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South End Press 
Boston, MA 

A Political Research Associates Book 

Political Research Associates 

678 Massachusetts Avenue, Suite 205, Cambridge, MA 02139 
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Political Research Associates is an independent research institute which collects and 
disseminates information on right-wing political groups and trends. Centralized in its archives 
is a continuously-updated collection of over one hundred right-wing publications, including 
newspapers, magazines, newsletters, and direct mail appeals. The institute's library contains 
hundreds of volumes relating to the political right wing. Also maintained are extensive files 
of primary and secondary material on individuals, groups, and topics of interest to those 
researching the right wing. 

Political Research Associates offers classes on the American right wing, provides speakers for 
groups and conferences, publishes educational posters, and prepares, on request, specific 
research reports on topics pertaining to the political right wing. 

The Political Research Associates Topical Report Series, co-published with South End Press, 
provides background information on subjects of current interest to those interested in 
understanding the right wing in America. 

Political Research Associates Staff: 

Jean V. Hardisty, Director 

Chip Berlet, analyst 

Margaret Quiglcy, Researcher/archivist 

Copyright © by Russ Bellant 1988, 1989, 1991 

Any properly footnoted quotation of up to 500 sequential words may be used without 
permission, so long as the total number of words does not exceed 2,000. For longer quotations 
or for a greater number of total words, authors should write to South End Press for permission. 

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Manufactured in the USA 

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Old Nazis, the new right, and the Republican party: domestic fascist networks and U.S. 
cold war politics / by Russ Bellant. — 3rd ed. 
p. cm. 

"A Political Research Associates Book." 

Rev. ed. of: Old Nazis, the new right, and the Reagan administration. 2nd ed. 1989. 

Includes bibliographical references and index. 

ISBN 0-89608-419-1. — ISBN 0-89608-418-3 (pbk.) 

1. United States — Foreign relations — 1945- 2. Cold War. 3. Fascism — United 
States — History — 20th century. 4. Republican Party (U.S.: 1854-) — History — 20th 
century. I. Title 
E743.B45 1991 

327.73— dc20 91-14602 


South End Press, 116 St. Botolph St., Boston, MA 02115 

** One of the great lies of this century is 
that in the 1930' s Generalissimo Franco in Spain 
was primarily a nationalist engaged in stopping 
the Reds. Franco was, of course, a fascist 
who was aided by Mussolini and Hitler. 

** The history of this period is a press forgery. 
Falsified news manipulates public opinion. 
Democracy needs facts. 
Once, while I was questioning 
publisher and editor William Allen White, 
we arrived at a formula that 
still is the best rule for journalists — 
The facts fairly and honestly presented; 
the truth will take care of itself. 99 

George Seldes 
Hanland Four Comers, Vennont 
March 5, 1988 




* Fascism, which was not afraid to call itself reactionary.. . 
does not hesitate to call itself illiberal and anti-liberal. 99 

Benito Mussolini 

^ n this book, author Russ Bellant tells us that an Eastern 
European emigre fascist network with direct ties to former Nazi collaborators 
has penetrated the Republican Party through its ethnic outreach program. 
He further argues that this network has played a significant role in shaping 
American foreign policy since World War II, with the goal of rolling back 
the borders of the Soviet Union in an inevitable military confrontation. 

Mr. Bellant faces a major hurdle convincing us that this lurid-sounding 
tale is true, and he faces this challenge head-on. That ultimately he is 
successful in this task is due to his dozens of interviews, hundreds of foot- 
notes, and thousands of hours of research. 

Perhaps a harder question to address than the validity of the charges, is 
seemingly the simplest: Should we care? To understand why the answer is 
yes, we should care, one must start by examining the roots of the nationalist 
political movements of 1930's Europe, and the role played by political 
fascism and nazism in shaping these movements. 

We have all heard of the Nazis — but our image is usually a caricature of a 
brutal goose-stepping soldier wearing a uniform emblazoned with a swastika. 
Most people in the U.S. are aware that the U.S. and its allies fought a war 


against the Nazis, but there is much more to know if one is to learn the 
important lessons of our recent history. 

Technically, the word "Nazi" was an abbreviation of National Socialist 
German Worker's Party. This was a fascist movement that had its roots in 
the European nationalist and socialist movements, and that developed a 
grotesque biologically determinant view of so-called Aryan supremacy. 
(Here we use "national socialism" to refer to the early Nazi movement before 
Hitler came to power, sometimes termed the "Brownshirt" phase, and the 
term "Nazi" to refer to the movement after it had consolidated around 
ideological fascism.) 

The seeds of fascism, however, were planted in Italy. "Fascism is reac- 
tion," said Mussolini, but reaction to what? The reactionary movement 
f ollowing World War I was based on a rejection of the social theories that 
formed the basis of the 1 789 French Revolution, and whose early formula- 
tions in this country had a major influence on our Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, Constitution, and Bill of Rights. 

It was Rousseau who is best known for crystallizing these modem 
social theories in The Social Contract. The progeny of these theories 
are sometimes called Modernism or Modernity because they challenged 
social theories generally accepted since the days of Machiavelli. The re- 
sponse to the French Revolution and Rousseau, by Hegel, Marx, Nietzsche 
and others, poured into an intellectual stew which served up Marxism, 
socialism, national socialism, fascism, modem liberalism, modem con- 
servatism, communism, and a variety of forms of capitalist participatory 

Fascists particularly loathed the social theories of the French Revolution 
and its slogan: "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity." 

■ Liberty from oppressive government intervention in the 
daily lives of its citizens, from illicit searches and seizures, from 
enforced religious values, f rom intimidation and arrest for dis- 
senters; and liberty to cast a vote in a system in which the 
majority ruled but the minority retained certain inalienable 

■ Equality in the sense of civic equality, egalitarianism, the 
notion that while people differ, they all should stand equal in 
the eyes of the law. 

■ Fraternity in the sense of the brotherhood of mankind. That 
all women and men, the old and the young, the infirm and the 
healthy, the rich and the poor, share a spark of humanity that 
must be cherished on a level above that of the law, and that 


binds us all together in a manner that continuously reaffirms 
and celebrates life. 

This is what fascism as an ideology was reacting against — and its support 
came primarily from desperate people anxious and angry over their percep- 
tion that their social and economic position was sinking and frustrated with 
the constant risk of chaos, uncertainty, and inefficiency implicit in a mod- 
em democracy based on these principles. Fascism is the antithesis of de- 
mocracy. We fought a war against it not half a century ago; millions perished 
as victims of fascism and champions of liberty. 

Fascism was forged in the crucible of post- World War I nationalism in 
Europe. The national aspirations of many European peoples — nations 
without states, peoples arbitrarily assigned to political entities with little 
regard for custom or culture — had been crushed after World War I. The 
humiliation imposed by the victors in the Great War, coupled with the 
hardship of the economic Depression, created bitterness and anger. That 
anger frequently found its outlet in an ideology that asserted not just 
the importance of the nation, but its unquestionable primacy and central 
predestined role in history. 

In identifying "goodness" and "superiority" with "us," there was a ten- 
dency in fascist movements to identify "evil" with "them." This process 
involves scapegoating and dehumanization. It was then an easy step for 
fascists to blame all societal problems on "them," and presuppose a con- 
spiracy of these evildoers which had emasculated and humiliated the ideal- 
ized core group of the nation. To solve society's problems one need only 
unmask the conspirators and eliminate them. 

In Europe, Jews were the handy group to scapegoat as "them." Anti- 
Jewish conspiracy theories and discrimination against Jews were not a new 
phenomenon, but most academic studies of the period note an increased 
anti-Jewish fervor in Europe, especially in the late 1800's. In France this 
anti- Jewish bias was most publicly expressed in the case of Alfred Dreyfus, a 
French military officer of Jewish background, who in 1894 was falsely 
accused of treason, convicted ( through the use of forged papers as evidence ) , 
and imprisoned on Devil's Island. Emile Zola led a noble struggle which 
freed Dreyfus and exposed the role of anti-Jewish bigotry in shaping French 
society and betraying the principles on which France was building its 

Not all European nationalist movements were necessarily fascist, 
although many were. In some countries much of the Catholic hierarchy 
embraced fascist nationalism as a way to counter the encroachment of 
secular influences on societies where previously the church had sole control 
over societal values and mores. This was especially true in Slovakia and 


Croatia, where the Clerical Fascist movements were strong, and to a lesser 
extent in Poland and Hungary. Yet even in these countries individual 
Catholic leaders and laity spoke out against bigotry as the shadow of fascism 
crept across Europe. And in every country of Europe there were ordinary 
citizens who took extraordinary risks to shelter the victims of the Holocaust. 
So religion and nationality cannot be valid indicators of fascist sentiment. 
And the Nazis not only came for the Jews, as the famous quote reminds us, 
but for the communists and the trade union leaders, and indeed the Gypsies, 
the dissidents, and the homosexuals. Nazism and fascism are more complex 
than popular belief. What, then, is the nature of fascism? 

** Reactionary concepts plus revolutionary emotion 
result in Fascist mentality." 

Wilhelm Reich 

Italy was the birthplace of fascist ideology. Mussolini, a former socialist 
journalist, organized the first fascist movement in 1919 at Milan. In 1922 
Mussolini led a march on Rome, was given a government post by the king, 
and began transforming the Italian political system into a fascist state. 
In 1938 he forced the last vestige of democracy, the Council of Deputies, 
to vote themselves out of existence, leaving Mussolini dictator of fascist 

Yet there were Italian fascists who resisted scapegoating and dehumaniza- 
tion even during World War II. Not far from the area where Austrian Prime 
Minister Kurt Waldheim is accused of assisting in the transport of Jews to 
the death camps, one Italian general, Mario Roatta, who had pledged 
equality of treatment to civilians, refused to obey the German military order 
to round up Jews. Roatta said such an activity was "incompatible with the 
honor of the Italian Army." 

Franco's fascist movement in Spain claimed state power in 1936, 
although it took three years, the assistance of the Italian fascists, and help 
from the secretly reconstituted German Air Force f inally to crush those who 
fought for democracy. Picasso's famous painting Guernica depicts the car- 
nage wrought in a Spanish village by the bombs dropped by the forerunner 
of the Luftwaffe which all too soon would be working on an even larger 
canvas. Yet Franco's fascist Spain never adopted the obsession with race 
and anti-Jewish conspiracy theories that were hallmarks of Hitler's Nazi 
movement in Germany. 

Other fascist movements in Europe were more explicitly racialist, 
promoting the slogan still used today by some neo-Nazi movements: 
"Nation is Race." The Nazi racialist version of fascism was developed by 


Adolph Hitler who with six others formed the Nazi party during 1919 and 
1920. Imprisoned after the unsuccessful 1923 Beer Hall putsch in Munich, 
Hitler dictated his opus, Mem Kampf, to his secretary, Rudolph Hess. 

Mein Kampf (My Battle) sets out a plan for creating in Germany through 
national socialism a racially pure Volkish state. To succeed, said Hitler, 
"Aryan" Germany had to resist two forces: the external threat posed by the 
French with their bloodlines "negrified" through "contamination by Negro 
blood," and the internal threat posed by "the Marxist shock troops of 
international Jewish stock exchange capital." Hitler was named Chancellor 
of Germany by Hindenburg in January 1933 and by year's end had consoli- 
dated his power as a fascist dictator and begun a campaign for racialist 
nationalism that eventually led to the Holocaust. 

This obsession with racialism not only afflicted the German Nazis, but 
also several Eastern European nationalist and fascist movements including 
those in Croatia, Slovakia, Serbia, Lithuania, Romania, Bulgaria, and the 
Ukraine. Anti-Jewish bigotry was rampant in all of these racialist move- 
ments, as was the idea of a link between Jewish financiers and Marxists. 
Even today the tiny Anti-Communist Confederation of Polish Freedom 
Fighters in the U.S.A. uses the slogan "Communism is Jewish." 

One element shared by all fascist movements, racialist or not, is the 
apparent lack of consistent political principle behind the ideology — 
political opportunism in the most basic sense. One virtually unique aspect 
of fascism is its ruthless drive to attain and hold state power. On that road 
to power, fascists are willing to abandon any principle to adopt an issue more 
in vogue and more likely to gain converts. 

Hitler, for his part, committed his act of abandonment bloodily and 
dramatically. When the industrialist power brokers offered control of Ger- 
many to Hitler, they knew he was supported by national socialist ideologues 
who held views incompatible with their idea of profitable enterprise. Hitler 
solved the problem in the "Night of the Long Knives," during which he had 
the leadership of the national socialist wing of his constituency murdered in 
their sleep. 

What distinguishes nazism from generic fascism is its obsession with 
racial theories of superiority, and some would say, its roots in the socialist 
theory of proletarian revolution. 

Fascism and nazism as ideologies involve, to varying degrees, some of the 
following hallmarks: 

■ Nationalism and superpatriotism with a sense of historic 

■ Aggressive militarism even to the extent of glorifying war as 
good for the national or individual spirit. 


■ Use of violence or threats of violence to impose views on 
others (fascism and nazism both employed street violence and 
state violence at different moments in their development). 

■ Authoritarian reliance on a leader or elite not constitution- 
ally responsible to an electorate. 

■ Cult of personality around a charismatic leader. 

■ Reaction against the values of Modernism, usually with 
emotional attacks against both liberalism and communism. 

■ Exhortations for the homogeneous masses (Volk or folk) to 
join voluntarily in a heroic mission — often metaphysical and 
romanticized in character. 

■ Dehumanization and scapegoating of the enemy — seeing the 
enemy as an inferior or subhuman force, perhaps involved in a 
conspiracy that justifies eradicating them. 

■ The self-image of being a superior form of social organization 
beyond socialism, capitalism, and democracy. 

■ Elements of national socialist ideological roots, for example, 
ostensible support for the industrial working class or farmers; but 
ultimately, the forging of an alliance with an elite sector of 

■ Abandonment of any consistent ideology in a drive for state 

It is vitally important to understand that fascism and nazism are not 
biologically or culturally determinant. Fascism does not attach to the gene 
structure of any specific group or nationality. Nazism was not the ultimate 
expression of the German people. Fascism did not end with World War II. 

After Nazi Germany surrendered to the Allies, the geopolitical landscape 
of Europe was once again drastically altered. In a few short months, some of 
our f ormer fascist enemies became our allies in the fight to stop the spread of 
communism. The record of this transformation has been laid out in a series 
of books. U.S. recruitment of the Nazi spy apparatus has been chronicled in 
books ranging from The General Was a Spy by Hohne &. Zolling, to the re- 
cent Blowback by Christopher Simpson. The laundering of Nazi scientists 
into our space program is chronicled in The Paperclip Conspiracy by Tom 
Bower. The global activities of, and ongoing fascist role within, the World 
Anti-Communist League were described in Inside the League by Anderson 
and Anderson. Bellant's bibliography cites many other examples of detailed 
and accurate reporting of these disturbing realities. 


But if so much is already known of this period, why does journalist and 
historian George Seldes call the history of Europe between roughly 1920 and 
1950 a "press forgery"? Because most people are completely unfamiliar with 
this material, and because so much of the popular historical record either 
ignores or contradicts the facts of European nationalism, Nazi 
collaborationism, and our government's reliance on these enemies of 
democracy to further our cold war foreign policy objectives. 

This widely accepted, albeit misleading, historical record has been 
shaped by filtered media reports and self -serving academic revisionism 
rooted in an ideological preference for those European nationalist forces 
which opposed socialism and communism. Since sectors of those nationalist 
anticommunist forces allied themselves with political fascism, but later 
became our allies against communism, apologia for collaborationists became 
the rule, not the exception. 

** The great masses of people. . .will more easily fall victims 
to a big lie than to a small one . 99 

Adolph Hitler 

As war memories dimmed and newspaper accounts of collaboration 
faded, the fascists and their allies re-emerged cloaked in a new mantle of 
respectability. Portrayed as anticommunist freedom fighters, their back- 
grounds blurred by time and artful circumlocution, they stepped forward to 
continue their political organizing with goals unchanged and slogans 
slightly repackaged to suit domestic sensibilities. 

To fight communism after World War II, our government forged a 
tactical alliance with what was perceived to be the lesser of two evils — and 
as with many such bargains, there has been a high price to pay. 

This book tallies some of the moral and political costs of our 
government's disquieting alliance with Nazi collaborationists and fascists; 
and follows the trail from the bloody atrocities of the Waff en SS to the 
ethnic outreach arm of the Republican Party and even to the paneled walls 
of White House briefing rooms. It is a story many will find unbelievable, yet 
its documentation is thorough and its conclusions warranted — leaving only 
the question of whether or not we as a nation find the situation morally 

Chip Berlet 
Cambridge, Massachusetts 


* If fascism came to America, it would be on 
a program of Americanism. * 

Huey P. Long 


his study was researched and written over a four-year period, beginning 

1 in mid- 1983. The research was begun to satisfy my own curiosity, 
evolved into a magazine article proposal, and finally grew into this report. 

The summer of 1983 was spent in Detroit-area libraries, researching 
individuals, organizations, and political history. Later in the research pro- 
cess, trips to the Library of Congress and use of interlibrary loan broadened 
my access to published sources. 

During the course of my research, I attended both small and large events 
sponsored by groups described herein. Examples include the 1984 and 1985 
World Anti-Communist League conventions, the 1985 and 1986 Republi- 
can Heritage Groups Council conventions, a number of American Security 
Council activities, and many events of other groups utilized by the U.S. 
fascist network, including events sponsored by the Rev. Sun Myung 
Moon's organizations and by Liberty Lobby. I interviewed nearly a hundred 
leaders and observers of these organizations and studied many of the books, 
periodicals, and newsletters they publish. 

Occasionally I became skeptical that what I was finding could, in fact, 
be true. To help me chart my way in these little-known political waters, I 
would periodically share my results with a handful of journalists and other 
somewhat detached observers of American political realities, to test my 
information and hypotheses, and to help maintain a balanced perspective. 

When reading this study, some may be inclined to see it as a partisan 
attack on the Republican Party, but it was not conceived or researched from 
a partisan standpoint. Nor was it done with the knowledge of, or in concert 
with, any element of the Democratic party or any other political organiza- 
tion. Certainly Democrats are included where warranted, but of the two 
parties, the fascist network has chosen the GOP as its home. This is an 


objective problem that exists within the American political process; it is not 
the product of partisan bias. 

Perhaps the greatest impediment to understanding the networks dis- 
cussed in this paper lies in the failure of academic research to address 
thoroughly a period of history of crucial importance. There is very little 
literature on the histories of the German occupation of countries on the 
Eastern Front, much less a discussion of the role of the Waff en SS and other 
collaborationist elements in that region. The escape of important collabo- 
rationists from the East, and the integration of these individuals and orga- 
nizations into the Western political system, is also virtually ignored. Finally, 
most of the literature, admittedly sparse, on American fascism appears to 
have been produced by journalists and political activists, with little in- 
depth research by academicians. As the last leaders of these European 
and American groups die, I wonder how much of this history will ever 
be recovered. I have included a short list of readings related to matters 
discussed in this report. 

I would like to thank those whose own research and support helped with 
my report, including Dr. Fred Chary, Dr. Barry Mehler, Dennis Debbaudt, 
Kris Jacobs, and Wes McCune. Christopher Simpson volunteered useful 
suggestions after reading a final draft. Certain friends provided assistance 
during the four-year period of my work, especially Bo and Chris, as well as 
Dee and Suzanne. This book would not have been possible without the 
support of Political Research Associates: the encouragement and comments 
of its director, Dr. Jean Hardisty, the careful editing of Chip Berlet, and the 
relentless pursuit of footnotes by Margaret Quigley. The most important 
support, however, came f rom my wife, Debi, as this work was conducted for 
so long in so many out-of-town places. She accepted my work schedule with 
great patience. 

Finally, I would like to thank those leaders of the groups mentioned 
herein who gave their time to be interviewed, including John Fisher. They 
will not be happy with this study. To them, I can only say that I, myself, wish 
it weren't so. 

Russ Bellant 
Detroit, Michigan, 8/3/88 


The Republican Party and President George Bush have yet to address the 
serious issues raised in this report. 




v Preface by Chip Berlet 
xiii Acknowledgments 
xvii Introduction 

Reagan, Remorse, and Revisionist History 


/ The National Republican Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Council 

2 Republicans, Authoritarians, Anti-Semites, and Fascists 

3 The History of the Republican Heritage Groups Council 

5 The Council's Leadership 

6 Axis Allies and Apologists 
J 6 Friends of Dictatorship 

20 Ethnic Realignment 
25 Forgive and Forget 


29 The American Security Council 

30 Cold Warriors 

30 Origins of the ASC 

33 The Emergence of the Military-Industrial Complex 

36 Eisenhower's Nightmare 

39 The Coalition for Peace Through Strength 

46 The ASC, the White House, and the National Security Council 

48 The Propaganda Arm of the Military Establishment 

5 1 The ASC and Congress 



59 Allies and Allegiances 

60 Roger Pearson, the White House, and Racialism 
65 The ASC and the World Anti-Communist League 
67 Ukrainian Nationalism and Nazi Collaboration 
73 The Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, the White House, and the 

77 The Campaign Against OS1 

81 Support for South Africa and Apartheid 

83 Central America, Death Squads, and the ASC 

89 Conclusions 

91 Endnotes 

1 / 3 Selected Bibliography 

1 / 5 Appendix 1 

/ / 5 The Chicago Controversy, Part One 

(WMAQ-TV Chicago, May 10, 1987) 
1 1 8 The Chicago Controversy, Part Two 

(WMAQ-TV Chicago, May 11, 1987) 
1 20 Controversial Veteran 

(WMAQ-TV Chicago, November 1 1 , 1985) 

1 23 Appendix 2 

Chronology of 1988 Bush Campaign Controversy 

1 32 Appendix 3 

The Republican Ethnic Division 

133 Index 




It's May 17, 1985: President Reagan has been back in the nation's capital 
less than two weeks from his much-criticized trip to the Bitburg ceme- 
tery in Germany. Now, floodlights and television cameras that are part 
of a President's entourage are waiting at the Shoreham Hotel, as are 400 
luncheon guests. 

Ronald Reagan had recently characterized the Nazi Waffen SS as "vic- 
tims." It seemed a rewrite of the history of World War II rather than a 
recommitment to its painful lessons. Reagan's comments held special 
meaning for some of his afternoon luncheon guests. Although it was a 
Republican Party affair, it was not the usual GOP set, but a special ethnic 
outreach unit, the National Republican Heritage Groups (Nationalities) 
Council (NRHG{N}C). The Republican Heritage Groups Council is an 
umbrella for various ethnic Republican clubs and operates under the 
auspices of the Republican National Committee. 

If President Reagan needed a boost after the Bitburg fiasco, this was the 
crowd to supply it. To the assembled media, Reagan's visit that afternoon 
appeared as a routine stop, perhaps paying a re-election debt. The Republi- 
can Heritage Groups Council did, in fact, help elect Reagan. And they gave 
him a long standing ovation that afternoon at the Shoreham. To some of 
those attending the 1985 Council meeting, Reagan's rehabilitation of the 
Waffen SS must have offered a sense of personal and historic vindication. 

The Republican Heritage Groups Council has a special type of outreach. 
It appears to have consciously recruited some of its members — and some of 
its leaders — from an Eastern European emigre network which includes anti- 
Semites, racists, authoritarians, and fascists, including sympathizers and 


collaborators of Hitler's Third Reich, former Nazis, and even possible war 
criminals. The persons in this network represent only a radical right fraction 
of the ethnic communities they claim to represent. 

These antidemocratic and racialist components of the Republican Heri- 
tage Groups Council use anticommunist sentiments as a cover for their 
views while they operate as a de facto emigre fascist network within the 
Republican Party. Some of these less savory antidemocratic personalities 
were part of the 1987 Republican Heritage Groups Council meeting as well 
as that 1985 luncheon audience; and some would later join the 1988 
election campaign of George Bush. 



The National Republican 

Heritage Groups 
(Nationalities) Council 

** While the large majority of the organizations in 
the Republican blationalities Council are thoroughly 
respectable, it is nonetheless true that the council 
has become fertile grounds for political organizing 
by certain former Nazi collaborators still active 
in immigrant communities in this country. 99 

Christopher Simpson 


the National republican heritage groups (Nationalities) council l 


The emigre fascist network within the Republican Party represents a small 
but significant element of the coalition which brought Ronald Reagan 
into the White House. It is from this network that the George Bush 
presidential campaign assembled its ethnic outreach unit in 1988 ... a unit 
that saw eight resignations by persons charged with anti-Semitism, racism, 
fascist leanings, and even Nazi collaboration. These right-wing emigres are a 
small but vocal element within the broader ethnic communities they claim 
to represent. They frequently utilize anticommunist sentiments, historical 
revisionism, and lack of knowledge about Eastern and Central Europe as a 
shield to deflect inspection and criticism of their past actions and current 

The emigre fascist network organizes support f or its ideological agenda 
through national and international coalitions of like-minded constituencies 
which often work with other authoritarian, antidemocratic, and profascist 
forces. This broader coalition ranges from Axis allies and their apologists to 
friends and allies of contemporary dictatorships and authoritarian regimes. 

In the case of the Republican Heritage Groups Council, the nature of the 
right-wing emigre network can be illustrated by briefly reviewing the back- 
grounds of some of the past and current leadership of the Republican 
Heritage Groups Council: 


Laszlo Pasztor: The founding chair and a key figure in the Council, 
Pasztor began his political career in a Hungarian pro-Nazi party and served 
in Berlin at the end of World War II. He continues to be involved in ultra- 
rightist groups and fascist networks while working with the GOP. 

Radi Slavoff: The Republican Heritage Groups Council's executive direc- 
tor is a member of a Bulgarian fascist group and leader of the Bulgarian GOP 
unit of the Council. He was able to get the leader of his Bulgarian nationalist 
group a White House invitation even though that leader was being investi- 
gated for concealing alleged World War II war crimes. He is also active in 
other emigre fascist groups. 

Nicolas Nazarenko: A former World War II officer in the German SS 
Cossack Division, Nazarenko heads a Cossack GOP unit of the Republican 
Heritage Groups Council but declares that Jews are his "ideological enemy." 
He is still active with pro-Nazi elements in the U.S. 

Florian Galdau: A close associate and defender of Valerian Trifa, the 
Romanian archbishop prosecuted for concealing his involvement in war 
crimes of the pro-Nazi Romanian Iron Guard in World War II. Charged by 

2 old Nazis, the new right, and the republican party 

former Iron Guardists and others with being the East Coast recruiter f or the 
Iron Guard in the U.S., Galdau heads the Romanian Republican unit of the 
Republican Heritage Groups Council. 

Method Balco: Head of the Slovak GOP unit, which is filled with sup- 
porters and at least one f ormer diplomat of the Slovak Nazi government of 
World War II. Balco also organizes annual commemorations of the Slovak 
Nazi regime. 

Walter Melianovich: Head of the Byelorussian GOP unit, which has had 
collaborators of the Nazi World War II occupation in leadership roles, 
Melianovich has worked with other fascist groups. 

Croatian GOP: Their group wrote an apology for the Croatian Ustashi's 
World War II alliance with Hitler which appeared in a Republican Heritage 
Groups Council publication signed by GOP Chair Frank Fahrenkopf. 


Philip A. Guarino: An honorary American member of the conspiratorial 
P-2 Masonic Lodge of Italy, which plotted in the early 1 970's to overthrow 
the Italian government in order to install a dictatorship. P-2 was exposed 
widely in the European press and investigated by the Italian Parliament. 
Guarino, an Italian Heritage Council member and Republican National 
Committee advisor, offered aid to those being investigated. 

Anna Chennauk: The newly elected Republican Heritage Groups Coun- 
cil chairperson and funder of the Chinese Republican affiliate, which for 
years has been closely linked to the authoritarian Taiwan regime. 

The names of all but one of the persons listed above appeared on the 
invitational literature for the October 1987 meeting of the National Repub- 
lican Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Council in Washington, D.C. 


Many of the Republican Heritage Groups Council leaders of Central and 
Eastern European nationalities were part of the post- World War II 
immigration from displaced persons camps. It would be unfair to suggest that 
;ill or even a majority of Eastern and Central Europeans were anti-Semites or 
fascists . . . most displaced persons were victims of the war who played no 
role in collaborating with nazism. Yet quite a few persons in the displaced 
persons camps were there as political escapees to avoid the consequences of 
their collaboration with the German occupation of Eastern Europe and the 
Soviet Union. 

The Displaced Persons Commission, which worked from 1948 to 1952, 

the National republican heritage groups (Nationalities) council 3 

arranged for approximately 400,000 persons to come to the U.S. 1 Initially it 
sought to bar members of pro-Nazi groups, but in 1950 a dramatic reversal 
took place. The Commission declared "the Baltic Legion not to be a move- 
ment hostile to the Government of the United States. ..." 2 The Baltic 
Legion was also known as the Baltic Waffen (armed) SS. 

The final report of the Commission noted that the decision "was the 
subject of considerable controversy." 3 As well it should have been. The 
Waffen SS participated in the liquidation of Jews in the Baltic region 
because the SS units were comprised of Hitler's loyal henchmen, recruited 
from fascist political groups long tied to the German Nazi Party. Anyone 
opposed to the German occupation of the Baltic region (Latvia, Lithuania, 
and Estonia) was likely to meet a cruel death at their hands. They were now 
considered qualified to come to the United States, to become American 
citizens. Further, pro-Nazi elements from other parts of Europe came to the 
U.S. through nominally private groups associated with the Commission. 

In 1952, the Commission completed its work. The Eisenhower-Nixon 
presidential campaign was on. The Republicans were charging the Demo- 
crats with being "soft on communism," and talk of "liberating" Eastern 
Europe became part of the GOP message. That year, the Republican 
National Committee formed an Ethnic Division. Displaced fascists, hoping 
to be returned to power by a Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy, were 
among those who signed on. This would become the embryo for the for- 
mation of the Republican Heritage Groups Council in 1969. 

In a sense, however, the foundation of the Republican Heritage Groups 
Council lay in Hitler's networks into East Europe before World War II. In 
each of those Eastern European countries, the German SS set up or funded 
political action organizations that helped form SS militias during the war. 

In Hungary, for example, the Arrow Cross was the Hungarian SS affili- 
ate; in Romania, the Iron Guard. The Bulgarian Legion, the Organization of 
Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), the Latvian Legion, and the Byelorussian 
(White Russian) Belarus Brigade were all SS-linked. In each of their respec- 
tive countries, they were expected to serve the interests of the German Nazi 
Party before and during the war. 

Many of these groups formed SS divisions: the Ukrainian Nationalists 
formed the 14th Galician Division, Waffen SS; the Latvians formed the 
1 5th and 19th Divisions, Waffen SS; etc. 4 These units and related German- 
controlled police units had several functions. The Ukrainian division un- 
successfully tried to impede the advance of the Soviet army against the Nazi 
army. Others hunted down those fellow countrymen who opposed the 
German occupation of Eastern Europe during World War II. 

More sadistically, many units rounded up hundreds of thousands of Jews, 
Poles, and others and conducted mass murders on the spot, sometimes 

4 old Nazis, Ti ie new rigi it, and ti ie republican Party 

decimating whole villages. They perfected "mobile killing teams" as effi- 
cient means of mass executions. Little is known about these units compared 
to the concentration camps, gas chambers, and ovens, but they were an 
integrated component of the "Final Solution." Approximately one-third of 
the victims of the Holocaust, perhaps as many as two million, died at the 
hands of these units. 

This should not be taken to suggest that all Eastern and Central Europe- 
ans were Nazi collaborators who participated in atrocities, but it is a his- 
torical fact that some right-wing elements from virtually every Eastern 
European nationality tied their nationalistic goals to the rising star of 
fascism and Hitler's racialist nazism. 


The founding chair of the Republican Heritage Groups Council was Laszlo 
Pasztor, an activist in various Hungarian rightist and Nazi-linked groups. 
In World War II Pasztor was a leader of the youth group of the Arrow Cross, 
the Hungarian equivalent of the German Nazi Party. 5 As the Germans re- 
treated from the USSR back to Germany in 1944, their allied Hungarian 
government collapsed. The Arrow Cross took power in Hungary, with 
Hitler's aid, to help defend Germany. Pasztor was sent to Berlin as part of the 
new diplomatic mission to Hitler, until the war's end. 

When Pasztor came to the U.S. in the 1950's, he joined the GOP's 
Ethnic Division. One of the leaders of the 1968 Nixon- Agnew campaign's 
ethnic unit, Pasztor says that Nixon promised him that if he won the 
election, he would form a permanent ethnic council within the GOP, as the 
Ethnic Division was only active during presidential campaigns. 6 

Pasztor was made the organizer of the Council after Nixon's victory. Says 
Pasztor, "It was my job to identify about twenty-five ethnic groups" to bring 
into the Council. "In 1972 we used the Council as the skeleton to build the 
Heritage Groups for the re-election of the President," he explains. 

Pasztor's choices for filling emigre slots as the Council was being 
formed included various Nazi-collaborationist organizations mentioned 
above. Each formed a Republican federation, with local clubs around the 
country. The local clubs then formed state multi-ethnic councils. Today 
there are thirty-four nationality federations and twenty-five state councils 
that constitute the National Republican I leritage Groups Council. 

To discover the names of the leaders of these federations is not an easy 
task. "That information is private. I have to get their permission before I can 
give you their names," responded Radi Slavoff, Republican Heritage Groups 
Council executive director, when asked for a list of the federation leaders. 7 


He agreed that federation heads were bona fide Republican Party posts 
which are not secret, "but the leaders prefer it that way." Although some 
names were gleaned from signature ads supporting funding for the contras, 
CIA-backed forces fighting to overthrow the Sandinista government in 
Nicaragua, 8 it required attendance at the Republican Heritage Groups 
Council convention in May of 1 985 to leam the names of federation leaders. 
It was this convention that Reagan was addressing at the Shoreham Hotel. 

Some Republican Heritage Groups Council delegates were reluctant 
to talk; others were unstoppable. A pattern began to emerge from these 
conversations — that in setting up the Council, Pasztor went to various 
collaborationist and fascist-minded emigre groups and asked them to form 
GOP federations. It eventually became clear that it wasn't an accident or a 
fluke that people with Nazi associations were in the Republican Heritage 
Groups Council. In some cases more mainstream ethnic organizations were 
passed over in favor of smaller but more extremist groups. And it seems 
clear that the Republican National Committee knows with whom they are 
dealing. Reviewing the federations illustrates this point. 



One of the organizations Pasztor approached to help form the Council was 
the Bulgarian National Front, headed by Ivan Docheff. As early as 1971, the 
GOP was warned that the National Front was beyond the pale. A Jack 
Anderson column quoted another Bulgarian-American organization, the 
conservative Bulgarian National Committee, which labeled DochefPs Na- 
tional Front as "fascist." 9 Neither the GOP nor the Nixon campaign took 
action. Professor Spas T. Raikin, a former official of the National Front, says 
the group grew out of an organization in Bulgaria that in the 1930's and 40's 
was "pro-Nazi and profascist." 10 

Although Docheff, eighty-two, is semiretired from GOP activity, the 
National Front is still represented in the person of Radi Slavoff , Republican 
Heritage Groups Council executive director and head of the Bulgarian GOP 
federation. Slavoff also represents the National Front in several other Wash- 
ington, D.C area coalitions, including one that is Nazi-linked." 

While Docheff was representing the National Front, however, the Justice 
Department's Office of Special Investigations was investigating him for 
possible war crimes he was suspected of committing while the mayor of a 
German-occupied city in Bulgaria. Docheff denies he ever committed war 
crimes, and OSI never brought charges. 

Docheff s political history, however, is not in dispute. Founder of a 


Bulgarian youth group in the early 1930's, Docheff met with Adolph Hitler 
;ind the Nazi movement's leading philosopher, Alfred Rosenberg, in 1934 
shortly after the Nazis came to power. 12 Docheff then established the Bul- 
garian Legion, a pro-Hitler group that agitated for government action 
against Bulgarian Jews. 

Docheff later began publishing a newspaper, Prelom, which carried a 
swastika as parr of the design at the top of the front page. One of its 
headlines reads "Long live the sacred struggle against the Jews."" DochefPs 
employer, Dr. Dimiter Waltscheff, was a German intelligence agent, 
according to Nuremberg documents obtained by Dr. Fred Chary of 
Purdue University. In 1944 Docheff fled when the pro-German Bulgarian 
government collapsed. After the war, he and other Legionnaires formed the 
Bulgarian National Front (BNF). 14 Until recently, Docheff was the group's 
chair, a post he held since the Front's founding in 1950. Several years ago 
ihe Front, with chapters in South America, Europe, Canada, and the U.S., 
met in Germany. There they honored Dr. Waltscheff for his "contribution 
(o the struggle of the Bulgarian people for freedom. . . ." 15 

In 1984, Docheff stepped aside and George Paprikoff, another former 
Legionnaire according to Dr. Chary, temporarily became chair. Reagan's 
autographed photo appeared on the cover of the BNF publication Borba 
with a "Dear George" message in what appears to be Reagan's handwriting. 
Docheff wrote an endorsement of Reagan in the same issue of Borba. 16 

When interviewed on the BNF's role in the Reagan-Bush campaign, 
Docheff said that the twenty-five U.S. chapters of the Front were active in 
I lie re-election effort: "If you want to know who the local chapter leaders of 
ihc Bulgarian National Front are, find out who heads the local Bulgarian 
unit of the Reagan-Bush campaign. They are the same persons." 17 

Although the warning by the Bulgarian National Committee and the 
subsequent investigation of Docheff have provided adequate levels of 
warning to the GOP, it has continued to maintain ties to the Bulgarian 
National Front. Even while the U.S. government was investigating Docheff 
mi war crimes charges, he was a pre-election guest of the White House in 
September 1984, 18 arranged through Republican Heritage Groups Council 
executive director Radi Slavoff. 


Attending the Reagan speech at the Shoreham was another Pasztor choice, 
"Major General" Nicholas Nazarenko. Slightly over six feet and a lean two 
hundred pounds with dark hair and a pencil mustache, Nazarenko is still 
consumed with his wartime hatred of Russians and Jews. He organizes 
annual "Captive Nations" marches in New York City every summer, in 
which he appears in Cossack military dress. 

the National republican heritage groups (Nationalities) council 7 

Nazarenko is a spry seventy-six years old, but could pass for sixty; his 
energy seems boundless. The evening after Reagan's speech at the 
Shoreham Hotel, he insisted on showing this writer a huge suitcase of 
materials he carries with him as part of his political activity. It was filled 
with literature on the "Jewish problem," Cossack publications, and memo- 
rabilia from his service in World War II — on the German side. 

Nazarenko chain-smoked and drank vodka throughout our seven-hour 
interview. He described his involvement with the German army as an officer 
in special Cossack units, battle by battle. His final military action was in an 
SS Cossack unit under German General Helmuth von Pannwitz. In order to 
prove his sincerity, he showed me his German officer's ID, and photographs 
of him and his unit. There were swastikas on the uniforms. 

Toward the end of the war, Nazarenko headed intelligence operations in 
Berlin for a Cossack "government-in-exile." After working with the U.S. 
Army's Counter Intelligence Corps, he came to the U.S. in 1949. He 
became head of a Cossack War Veterans group — a group of veterans allied 
with Germany during World War II which was later renamed the World 
Federation of Cossacks for the Liberation of Cossackia. Nazarenko was 
active in Richard Nixon's 1968 and 1972 campaigns, and his Cossack 
veterans group is one of two Cossackian components of the Republican 
Heritage Groups Council. 

Alex Aksenov, another Cossack delegate to the Republican Heritage 
Groups Council convention, spoke briefly about his past, volunteering that 
he was "in Berlin from 1939—45." He went to South America after the war, 
he said, but in the 1 950's was brought to the U.S. to work on the first nuclear 
submarine program. 19 

Nazarenko says he has been charged by other Cossack emigres as having 
hanged Jews in Odessa and executed Soviet soldiers. He claimed that these 
were lies intended to discredit him. He does say, however, that Jews are our 
"ideological enemies." 

In that spirit, Nazarenko said that he was in touch with "patriotic" 
publications such as the neo-Nazi Thunderbolt, the anti-Semitic Spotlight, 
and Instauration, a racialist and anti-Semitic monthly. A well-publicized 
controversy erupted when Instauration was praised by Joseph Sobran in 
National Review, May 1986, as "an often brilliant magazine, covering a 
beat nobody else will touch. . . ." Instauration 's writers and editors are all 

Nazarenko says he's also in touch with various "Nazi" organizations. 
"They respect me because [I was a] former German army officer. Sometimes 
when I meet these guys, they say 'Heil Hitler'." 

A recipient of a pension from the West German government for his 
wartime service, Nazarenko claims that Germany didn't commit atrocities 

8 Old Nazis, The new Right, and the republican party 

in World War II. "Jews didn't die from gas chambers," says Nazarenko. 
"Those mountains of bones are from people who starved to death or died 
from disease," he explains. 


Romanian- American Republicanism is led by a retired priest who claimed 
in 1 984 that the most important issue for Romanian Republicans was "the 
deportation of our beloved spiritual leader, Archbishop Valerian Trifa." 20 
Faced with charges by the Office of Special Investigations (OSI) that he 
participated in the murder of Jews as part of a coup plot in Bucharest, 
Romania in 1941, Trifa left the U.S. in 1984. But his political network 
stayed behind. The Romanian Republican priest, Florian Galdau, is part of 
I hilt network. 

Valerian Trifa was a leader of the Iron Guard in Bucharest in 1941. The 
C iuard was a pro-Nazi Romanian group linked to the SS by liaison officers 
such as Otto von Bolschwing of the German SS. ZI In January 1941 the 
C iuard, with SS backing, attempted a coup. Trifa was one of the leaders who 
instigated crowds on a rampage that sought out Jews for gruesome deaths. 
Three days of chaos ensued. When order was restored, Trifa fled. During 
those three days, witnesses charged, Trifa personally went into a jail and 
killed Jews who had been put into a cell there. 

After the war, Trifa was able to come to the U.S. and take over the 
Romanian Orthodox church by means of physical coercion and with some 
help from the U.S. government. In 1952, Trifa became an Archbishop of the 
Romanian Orthodox Church. 22 

FBI documents from the years 1954 and 1955 (which were used in the 
prosecution of Trifa) report claims that Trifa "is bringing Iron Guard mem- 
bers into the U.S. and installing them as priests." One of those priests, 
according to a report of Oct. 5, 1955, was Florian Galdau, whom an FBI 
source described as "a Romanian Iron Guard member and who at Trifa's 
instructions was elected Pastor of St. Dumitru," a Manhattan parish. 2 ' 

Galdau had escaped Romania after the war, eventually settling in Lon- 
don. He began broadcasting over the BBC in programs aimed at Romanian 
citizens, a project comparable to the Radio Free Europe programs being 
established at the time under the covert control of the CIA. In 1955 Trifa 
brought Galdau to the U.S. According to a former Iron Guardist, the late 
C leorge Roman, Galdau was brought in to head a New York City Iron Guard 
unit. His task was to recruit new Romanian immigrants into the Guard. 24 

Galdau says he has brought 20,000 immigrants into the U.S. "I have files 
on 15,000 people I helped settle," he claims. He is aided by the Tolstoy 
I nundation and the International Rescue Committee, 25 two resettlement 
groups with links to the CIA. 26 

the National Republican heritage groups (Nationalities) council 9 

Over the years, Galdau has performed priestly functions at events 
that commemorated Iron Guard founder Corneliu Codreanu. Trifa himself 
once concurred in an interview that the Galdau church was "a center of 
fascists." 27 

In 1974, the United Israel Bulletin of New York City headlined a story 
"Florian Galdau, a Priest, Heads New York Iron Guard Cell." 28 The charge 
has also been repeated in recent interviews with other Romanians, includ- 
ing a priest, all of whom, fearing reprisals, requested anonymity. 

Galdau himself denies any association with the Iron Guard. Further, he 
denies any knowledge of the existence of the Iron Guard in the U.S. 

Dennis Debbaudt, who has researched the Iron Guard for ten years, finds 
such denials "incredible." Debbaudt, who has assisted a Canadian govern- 
ment investigation of the Iron Guard presence there, estimates that at least 
25 percent of the priests of Trifa's church were Guardists. Debbaudt states, 
"It's impossible for Galdau to be unaware of the Guard presence in the 
Romanian Orthodox Church." 29 

Interviewed at the Republican Heritage Groups Council convention, 
Galdau criticized Jews for the debate over Bitburg, saying "Jews have harmed 
themselves in this country over this controversy." He says his protest of 
Trifa's prosecution was "as a Republican," and did not have anything to do 
with Iron Guard politics. 

A founder of the Republican Heritage Groups Council in 1969, Galdau 
and his wife were the sole representatives of the Romanian-American 
Republican Clubs to the 1985 and 1986 Council conventions. In 1985, a 
third delegate "got sick" and the three alternates "just didn't show." Galdau's 
wife is vice-chair of the Romanian-American Republican Clubs. His prin- 
ciple contributions at the conventions were to charge that the "Democratic 
Party is controlled by the KGB," and to argue successfully for a reso- 
lution passed by the convention condemning the Justice Department's OSI 
investigation into the presence of Nazi-era war criminals in the United 

Galdau claims his Romanian-American Republican Clubs include ten 
local units. He says that they "recruited 600 volunteers for the 1984 Reagan- 
Bush campaign." But getting details to substantiate these assertions is 
difficult. Although he holds a party post, he won't discuss his role within the 
party. When I asked Republican Heritage Groups Council leaders for infor- 
mation on the Romanian Clubs, they said Galdau doesn't share details with 
them either. Galdau was listed as a member of the Host Committee for a 
reception honoring Jeane J. Kirkpatrick and Frank J. Fahrenkopf , Jr., during 
the Council's 1987 meeting in Washington, D.C. In 1988 he was named 
National Chair of Romanians for Bush. 

io old Nazis, the new uigi it, and the republican party 


Another federation leader who makes the charge that the Democratic 
Party aids communism is Walter Melianovich, head of the Byelorussian- 
American Republican Federation. "The Democratic Party is doing the dirty 
work of Communism. They don't call themselves Communists, they just 
parrot the Communist line. . . ." Melianovich is unhappy. At fifty years of 
;i(je, he is too young to have worked with the Nazis. But some of his friends 
weren't. "The damn OS1 is hounding my friends," he complains. This is 
some of the "dirty work of Communism" that Democrats do. They hunt 
Nazis, and the Byelorussian GOP wants to put a stop to it.' 0 

Melianovich's federation is closely associated with the Byelorussian- 
American Association (BAA), an emigre group made up, in part, of former 
collaborators of the Nazi occupation and its extermination campaign. An 
early BAA leader was Franz Kushel, an SS major general and commander of 
I he Belarus Brigade, a Waffen SS unit." According to The Belarus Secret, a 
hook about Byelorussian Nazi collaboration, KusheFs "men carried over 
40,000 Jews to an execution ground in 1941." 52 Another BAA leader, 
Sranislaw Stankievich, one-time editor of a Nazi-funded newspaper, came 
from an upper-class family of Nazi collaborators. He became a mayor of 
I Wissow in 1941. After having a wall built around the Jewish section of the 
t ity, Stankievich conducted a series of financial extortions on the contained 
nhcrto. His police then sadistically exterminated the seven thousand Jews of 
IWissow on October 20, 1941." 

As the Soviets advanced on German-occupied Byelorussia, a puppet 
government was formed to help mobilize support for the defense of Ger- 
many. The 1,039 delegates to this "All-Byelorussian Second Congress" were 
screened and approved by Germany. Some of these delegates, many of them 
leaders of police units and a Byelorussian Waffen SS division, came to 
dominate BAA. 34 

Cheslav Nadjiuk of Los Angeles was a delegate to the German-sponsored 
1944 puppet government.' 5 He was also a delegate to the 1986 Republican 
I leritage Groups Council convention in Los Angeles. Now in his seventies, 
Nadjiuk said that he was involved in nationalist politics all his life. "I joined 
a nationalist group in high school, in the 1920's, and was active in Poland 
when I was in school there." He said he was a judge during the German 
occupation, and "I attended the Second (All-Byelorussian) Congress." Af- 
ter the war, the Congress reassembled in Germany and then in the U.S., 
holding annual meetings to direct their various front activities. Nadjuik 
attended at least one of those meetings, in 1954. His codelegate at the 1986 
Krpublican Heritage Groups Council meeting, Joe Arciuch, head of the 
technical services division of Hughes Aircraft, "escaped Byelorussia in 1951 
|nst ahead of Communist bayonets," according to a friend of his who joined 


our interview. Arciuch declined to discuss the details of his activities in 

The 1985 Republican Heritage Groups Council convention delegation, 
led by Melianovich, also included Raisa Stankievich, wife of Stanislaw 
Stankievich and herself a former head of the BAA. Melianovich says the 
1944 puppet government was "not a legitimate government," but in three 
hours of interviews he was uncritical of any Nazi collaborators or of the 
BAA, of which he is a member. Critical of those exposing criminal col- 
laborators, he strongly supported Republican Heritage Groups Council 
convention efforts to oppose the OS1. 

The Byelorussian GOP leader said that his federation's biggest concern 
was increasing the amount of Byelorussian broadcasting into the USSR by 
the U.S. government-run Radio Liberty. He has met with various agencies, 
including National Security Council staff, lobbying for more programming. 
Access to administration policymakers, says Melianovich, is enhanced by 
being part of the Republican Heritage Groups Council. By lobbying for 
increased Radio Liberty propaganda, they hope to destabilize the USSR, 
returning the Byelorussian fascists to power. Melianovich even provided 
what appears to be their future map of Byelorussia, complete with new 
"ethnogenetical borders." 

Melianovich claims that the Republican Heritage Groups Council has 
"changed the image of the Republican Party under our pressure." Charging 
the Democrats with only caring about "the Black and Jewish vote," he says 
that "if anyone should be called nationalist, it is the GOP." Melianovich was 
named National Chairman of Byelorussians for Bush in 1988. 


The Croatian Republicans are the only federation who have put their 
sympathies with the Axis powers into print in Republican Party literature. 

In Guide to Nationality Observances, a 1984 Republican Heritage Groups 
Council booklet, listing commemorative dates of significance to ethnic 
Americans, is the following entry for April 10th: "The Independent State of 
Croatia was declared by unanimous proclamation in 1941. . . . Lack of 
Western support and Axis occupation forced the new state into an unfortu- 
nate association with the Axis powers." The booklet preface is signed by 
Frank J. Fahrenkopf, Jr., Chairman of the Republican National Committee 
(see page opposite). 

The "unfortunate association" was, in fact, a long-standing relationship 
between Nazi Germany and the Croatian Ustashi beginning years before 
World War II. 36 The Nazis conspired with the Ustashi to create the Croatian 
split from Yugoslavia. When the Vatican-backed Ustashi took power in 
1941, they began liquidating Orthodox Serbians, Jews, and Gypsies. Even 

1 2 old Nazis, the new right, and The republican Party 

National Republican Heritage 
Croups Council 



2 Birthday of Hans Christian 
Andersen (1805-1875) 

The Dane story teller and author of the im- 
mortal "Andersen's Fairy rates"— a great 
national figure among Danes. 

10 Croatian Independence Day 

The Independent State of Croatia was 
declared Oy unanimous proclamation m 1941 
Ihus ending an enforced union wilh Royalist 
Yugoslavia in which Croatian independence 
was subverted and threatened Lack o I West- 
ern support and A*is occuoation lorced the 
i?* slate into an unlortunate association 
with the Amis powers 

The immigrants who came to America ana ihe>r de- 
scendants continue lo celebrate special religious leasl 
days and historical holidays so imponan; 10 tnem m 
Ihe.r countries ol origin, in some cases, they celebrate 
events no longer recognized in iheir naiive countries 
because ol political ana religious oppression 
Therefore. the holidays have giown in 51gr.1l icance in 
this country. presenting an opporluhity lor ethnic Amer 
icans io maintain iheir roles as guardians o< cultural 
treasures by recalling traditional music, dance, dress 
and foods 

■| This pocKei calendar ol observances important to the 

I eihmc communmes has been prepared by the NRHG 

[ Council with the nope thai ail Americans who use it win 

] develop a deeper apprecianor ol the many contnbu- 

I t.ons made by Ine naiionalnies groups They have given 

I js the besi ol an worlds 

-rjn« J Fah.enk03' J' 

Republican National Commiltee 

/Wr^ '•' „.;.-• -^X^c, 

Micnjei Soi"has 
NRHG Council 

For addilionai information contaci 

National Repuol'can Heritage Groups Council 
310 First Slreei. S £ 
Washington. 0 C 20003 
Telephone I2D2I 662-1345 

Excerpts from the 1984 Guide to Nationality Observances published by the 
National Republican Heritage Groups Council of the Republican National 



i he Nazis were taken aback by the barbarity of Ustashi concentration camps 
and the liquidations of whole villages. Huge ovens at Jasenovac reportedly 
burned people alive. 

An estimated 750,000 people, mostly Serbians, were killed by the 
Ustashi in the crucible which forged Croatian independence. The "inde- 
pendent state of Croatia," whose founding the GOP suggests we com- 
memorate, ceased to exist after the fall of the Third Reich. 


Slovakia, another puppet state created by Hitler, has not only apologists but 
;ilso at least one former collaborationist leader on the Republican Heritage 
Croups Council. When Hitler invaded and split Czechoslovakia in 1939, 
lie created the Slovak state under Monsignor Josef Tiso. When the U.S. 
declared war on Germany on December 12, 1941, Tiso declared Slovakia at 
w;ir with the U.S. 

Complete with their own imitation SS, called the Hlinka Guard, the 
Tiso leadership mimicked the Nazis. 37 They also imitated the worst of Ger- 
man racial policies, shipping Jews to extermination camps in Poland. Lucy 
Hawidowicz, in The War against the Jews, estimated that 75,000 of 90,000 
Slovak Jews were killed. 18 

Today, Method Balco is the head of the Slovak-American Republican 
Federation. Despite the fact that Tiso was executed in 1946 as a war 
criminal, Balco still organizes in New York City an annual commemoration 
ill the Tiso rule. The Slovak Republican delegation to the Republican 
I leritage Groups Council also included Josef Mikus, a former diplomat of the 
Tiso regime. Balco, Mikus, and a third delegate, John Hvasta, all work 
c losely with the Toronto-based Slovak World Congress, a group set up and 
greatly influenced by former aides to Tiso. 

Hvasta, the key Washington liaison for the Slovak World Congress, has 
;ilso helped the 1988 Presidential Campaign of former Ku Klux Klan leader 
and white supremacist David Duke. Hvasta's American Public Research 
C Council rented its mailing list to the Duke campaign in September of 
1987 for $2,000, according to records obtained from the Federal Election 
C Commission." 

Joseph Kirschbaum, a top commander of the SS-like Hlinka Guard and a 
principal of the Slovak World Congress, edited a series of speeches made by 
Slovak nationalists, including several former Tiso officials. 40 One speech 
calls for the establishment of a new Slovak state along "ethnogenetical" 
I ines. Tiso's former foreign minister and Josef Mikus' former boss, Ferdinand 
I )urcansky, wrote: 

. . . anti-Semitism in Slovakia had no racial, but exclusively politi- 
cal, economic and social roots. Racial elements were imported into 

the National republican heritage croups (Nationalities) council 15 

Slovakia from the Reich as manifested along many lines in many 
conflicts. 1 hope we live to see the time when the Jews draw from 
these facts the necessary objective conclusions. ... 41 

The book of speeches was published by the Slovak World Congress. 
Editor Kirschbaum and writer Durcansky were in key positions to have been 
aware of Adolph Eichmann's implementation of the "Final Solution" 
against Slovak Jews. Their presence in the Slovak World Congress, along 
with others such as Balco and Mikus, may explain why the Congress does 
not repudiate the Slovak puppet government, its declaration of war on the 
United States, or its extermination campaign. In an interview in his north- 
west Washington, D.C home, Republican Heritage Groups Council dele- 
gate Mikus said that the U.S. should not have allied with or aided the USSR 
in World War II. He noted that "without the aid, the USSR would have 
been defeated by Germany," an outcome Mikus said would have been 

Balco said that the chief concern for Slovak Republicans is to get the 
Voice of America and the State Department to recognize Slovakia as 
separate from Czechoslovakia. 



Certain Republican Heritage Groups Council members have been close 
allies in recent years of those in Italy who would overthrow the government 
and re-install fascism in Rome. Italy's problems with fascism have been 
much more recent than World War II. In 1981 a conspiracy was foiled in 
which a group of business, political, Mafia, military, and Vatican-connected 
figures planned to overthrow Italian parliamentary democracy and install a 
dictatorship. The group, called the P-2 Masonic Lodge, had nearly a thou- 
sand members. The prestige of P-2 members (heads of the intelligence 
agencies, thirty-eight generals and admirals, and three cabinet officers, for 
example), plus revelations of financial scandals, brought extensive Euro- 
pean press coverage, the collapse of the Italian government, and an exten- 
sive parliamentary inquiry. 42 

Although P-2 had existed for many years as an illegal secret society, in 
the 1970's it became involved in efforts to destabilize the Italian system 
through economic warfare and terrorism, including bombings of public 
places. The P-2 goal was to create a demand for fascism to restore order. 

A 1987 article by Jerry Meldon in the Boston Globe discussed the Italian 
neofascist right's strategy of terror: 


In many ways, it [the Italian right] has been a much more 
dangerous movement than the kidnappers and murderers of the 
extreme left. Far more deaths can be attributed to right-wing 
terrorists' acts. More significantly, the neo-fascists have enjoyed 
the protection and support of Italian intelligence agencies and, 
according to a 1976 congressional report, the CIA. 

With such offical support, the fascists have pursued a 
"strategy of tension" through their own [terrorist] acts and those 
of leftist groups they penetrated. They have cultivated a climate 
of fear to undermine support for the West's most popular com- 
munist party and justify an authoritarian takeover of the Italian 
government. 4 ' 

The calculated terror began in 1 969, when the right resolved to fight the 
growth of the left. On December 12, a bomb exploded in downtown Milan, 
killing sixteen people and injuring another one hundred. Within the hour 
several more bombs went off in Rome. Fascist storm-trooper groups formed, 
hi December 1970 a rightist coup was attempted but failed. 

Police discovered further plots as violence continued throughout the 
1 970's. Reaction to and fear of assassinations, kidnappings, knee-cappings, 
;tnd mob violence began seeping into Italy's everyday life. Lifestyles 
changed as Italians altered spending habits, dress, and daily routine to avoid 
becoming victims. Much of this early terrorism was blamed on the left. 

In 1973, police found that terrorist activity and the control of fascist 
groups was being orchestrated by a group called the Rose of Twenty, made 
up of military officers and industrialists. After their arrests, however, the 
violence continued. More plots were uncovered, including lists of targets for 
assassination. The police still had not uncovered P-2, the control center of 
I he terror. In 1980, a bomb ripped through the Bologna train station, killing 
eighty-five people. The bombing was eventually linked to members of P-2 
;ind Italian neofascist terrorist groups. 

By the mid-70's, the Italian Communist Party (PCI) was gaining elec- 
toral support and leaders of the ruling Christian Democratic Party were 
meeting with the PCI to discuss the possibility of a coalition government. 
P-2 and its friends abroad worked to stop the coalition and PCI's electoral 
success. P-2's immediate target: defeat the PCI in the 1976 elections. Their 
long-term strategy was to defeat the system which allowed the PCI to exist. 

One American involved in this intrigue was Philip A. Guarino, 79, an 
;ulviser to the Republican National Committee on senior citizens' affairs, 
who was long active in Italian GOP politics. A theology student in 
Mussolini's Italy in the late 20's and much of the 1930's, Guarino helped 
I'stablish the ethnic division of the GOP in 1952. He was vice-chair of the 


Republican Heritage Groups Council from 19 71 -75. 44 He attended the 
1985 Council convention to ensure that his friend Frank Stella won the 
chairmanship of the Council in a tight race with former Cleveland mayor 
Ralph Perk. 

Guarino was also described in St. Peter's Banker, a book about activities 
involving P-2, as an "honorary member of P-2." 45 Foreign members of P-2 
were rare. One other of the select was Jose Lopez Riga, founder of the Latin 
American death-squad group known as the Argentine Anti-Communist 

The exposure of P-2 and Guarino's involvement (which Guarino has 
denied) came about when Michele Sindona, head of Vatican banking 
operations, was sentenced to twenty-five years in a New York prison for 
illegal banking activities. Italian investigations of Sindona led to Licio 
Gelli, grandmaster of the secret, illegal P-2 Lodge. Sindona and Gelli were 
associates of Guarino. 

Gelli was an ardent Blackshirt in the Fascist Party of Mussolini's Italy and 
one of his firm supporters to the end. As the leader of P-2, he made 
violations of the Lodge's oaths punishable by death. The presence of cer- 
tain Mafioso and police officials in P-2 made the death threats credible. 
After Italian police traced Sindona to Gelli, it was discovered that Guarino 
had been corresponding with Gelli. The New York Times reported that 
Guarino wrote Gelli that "things were going badly for 'Michele'," the 
banker imprisoned in New York. Guarino had hosted Gelli at Reagan's 
1981 inauguration, and introduced him to "members of the entourage." 46 

Guarino's dealings with the P-2 network began no later than 1976, when 
the Mafia-linked Sindona financed an ad hoc group called Americans for a 
Democratic Italy, cochaired by Guarino and Paul Rao, Jr. who is described 
in St. Peter's Banker as "a prominent member of the Italian-American com- 
munity and attorney for the head of the Gambino family." 47 Sindona and 
Gambino family members were indicted in 1982 for "operating a $600 
million-a-year heroin trade between Sicily and America." 48 

Guarino was also involved in John Connally's Committee for the De- 
fense of the Mediterranean, which propagandized on the Italian Communist 
Party (PCI) threat to the West. 49 Connally, Richard Nixon's Secretary of 
the Treasury and member of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory 
Board under Nixon and Gerald Ford, was a friend of Sindona. 50 

Another friend and guest at Connally's Texas ranch was Roberto Calvi, a 
Vatican banker and P-2 member, according to Larry Gurwin in The Calvi 
Affair. Calvi was in Gelli's inner circle, serving as an "executioner," one of a 
dozen hooded men with axes who served Gelli in the secret initiation rites 
for new members of P-2. The ceremony included the mixing of the initiate's 
blood with that of Gelli and his "executioners," the testing of courage with 

18 old Nazis, the new right, and the republican party 

vipers, and an oath that bound the new P-2 member to Gelli and the 
netherworld of fascism f or life. 51 Cal vi's life was cut short, however, when he 
was found hanging from a bridge in London in 1982. 

In 1978, Guarino's Italian Heritage Council ally, Frank Stella, became 
National Chair of the Heritage National Committee of Connally for Presi- 
dent, when Connally sought the 1980 GOP nomination for president. 52 

Later Stella got on track with Ronald Reagan. Mark Valente, a Stella 
protege and suburban Detroit City Council member now serving as a Repub- 
lican National Committee Ethnic Liaison staffer, says, "Everyone at the 
White House knows Frank." Stella's name has gone through the White 
House appointment process on several occasions. In 1981 he was nominated 
for the little-known Intelligence Oversight Board, which is supposed to 
monitor the legalities of covert operations of the intelligence agencies. 5 ' He 
withdrew his name after it had been publicly released. Stella was being 
considered for the post of ambassador to Italy in 1985, but withdrew his 
name again, according to Valente. In 1983 he was made a White House 

Stella, a Detroit businessman, has many local civic service activities to 
his credit, in February, 1988 he was named cochair of a panel evaluating the 
advisability of legalized casino gambling for the city of Detroit. He is also a 
top Michigan GOP fundraiser. Stella had an ex officio seat on the Republi- 
can National Committee by virtue of his chairmanship of the Republican 
Heritage Groups Council from 1981-83 and 1985-87. In 1988 Stella was 
named National Chairman of Italian- Americans for Bush. 

Stella can't quite forget about Italy. In February, 1986 he gave an award 
of "honorary member" in the National Italian American Foundation to 
Victor Emmanuel ofSavoy. S4 Stella is president of the foundation. He says it 
is "perceived to be the spokesman for the Italian-American community in 
the United States." 55 The man he honored, Victor Emmanuel, would be the 
king of Italy today, except his family, the House of Savoy, was expelled from 
Italy in 1946 due to its die-hard support of Mussolini's fascist order. 56 Victor 
Emmanuel, a reputed gunrunner for the Shah of Iran, is an arms trafficker 
iind member of P-2. He is alleged to have used his wealth and influence to 
iivoid a long prison sentence after he shot and killed a West German tourist 
in a party brawl on a Mediterranean island several years ago. 57 

The irony of the award to this erstwhile fascist by the "spokesman" for 
Italian Americans, is that Victor Emmanuel, until recently, was one of only 
two Italians in the world not allowed to set foot on Italian soil. The other 
person banned was his father. 58 


The Chinese-American and Asian-American Republican federations are 

The national republican heritage groups (Nationalities) council 19 

led by Anna Chennault, who gained fame in the 1 950's and 60's as an ardent 
advocate of Chiang Kai-Shek's dictatorship on Taiwan. Both federations 
appear to be little more than adjuncts to Taiwan government activities in 
the U.S. That was highlighted at the 1985 Republican Heritage Groups 
Council convention, when an official Taiwan delegation arrived at the 
Republican Heritage Groups Council meeting as part of a nationwide tour 
belatedly celebrating Reagan's second inauguration four months earlier. 
While the foremost visitor from Taiwan was the Deputy Minister for 
National Defense, the honorary president of the delegation was Ben John 
Chen, who also chairs the Asian-American Republican Federation." Other 
Chinese and Asian GOP federation members are part of trade groups linked 
to Taiwan. 

The Republican Heritage Groups Council agenda was interrupted at the 
Chinese federation's request so that the delegation could present awards 
from the Taiwan government to Michael Sotirhos, the outgoing Republican 
Heritage Groups Council chair (who later became Reagan's ambassador to 
Jamaica). Also receiving an award from the Taiwan regime was Anna 
Chennault, who funds the Asian-American GOP federation, according to 
its chairman, Ben John Chen. Chennault became chair of the Republican 
Heritage Groups Council in 1987. 

he Republican Heritage Groups Council's ethnicity is broad, ranging 

1 from Albanians to Vietnamese. But two groups are missing at the Repub- 
lican Heritage Groups Council. There are no Black or Jewish Republican 
federations. Remarks by a number of delegates at the 1986 Heritage meeting 
made it clear that there was no desire to have either community represented 
on the Council. 60 Republican leaders say that Black and Jewish relations are 
"special" and are dealt with in separate units of the GOP. 

It might be said that American Indians, Hispanics, and Vietnamese all 
have "special" problems beyond traditional European ethnic concerns, but 
they are represented in the National Republican Heritage Groups Council. 
Given the background of the Council's leadership, it is difficult not to 
conclude that elements of racism and anti-Semitism may play a role in the 
decision to exclude Black and Jewish constituencies. 

The key issues for every one of the Eastern European Heritage Council 
leaders interviewed were foreign policy issues. All of them called for more 
support for Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty. Most called for the 
iihandonmcnt of the Yalta agreement, the major treaty that set the postwar 
fciirurcs of Europe, and they want a far more aggressive foreign policy against 


20 oi i> na/is, tiii; ni:w Ric;ht, and the republican party 

National Republican Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Council 
1 7th Annual Convention • October 30, 31 , November 1 , 1 987 

Grand Hyatt Washington Hotel / 1 000 H Street, NW / Washington, DC 20001 

You are cordially invited lo jam wilh delegaies and alternates ai 
the i nn Annual Convention oi the National Republican Heritage 
Groups (Nationalities) Council, scheduled br October 30 31 and 
November t, 1967 in Washington. DC The Grand Hyatt Washington 
Hotel, which opened In June 1987. ie a landmark oi lunurv in the na- 
Uon'e capital. 

The convention program includes eiciting events such as Ihe 
Century Cub Reception on Friday: Saturday's Convention Lun- 
cheon with lop leaders of the Republican Party, lollowed by a Grand 
Banquet Saturday evening: Sunday's Awards Brunch: in addition lo 
convention meetings, caucuses, and press conferences We have 
Invted Ihe President. Ihe presidential candidates, senators, con- 
gressmen, administration officials Republican Party leaders and 
guasl speakers 

We are al Ihe crucial point now. in view ol international and 
domestic conditions. Elhntc Americans were committed to Ronald 
Reagen'a vision ol America in i960 and sustained thai commtlmenl 
in 1044 Ethnic Americana were m the forefront ol support to Ihe 
PreaiOent then and continue to stand by him now We have seen his 
programework successfully, while ihe Democrats had no new ap- 
proach loollerolher Ihan aocialisl eiparimanialisrti— Iree spending 

tree iHxmg al home, and "detenie" abroad. We nave accomplished 
Iha philosophical realignment wilfun a wide spectrum ol mainstream 
America, while Ihe Democratic Parly has withdrawn mlo a narrow 
"liberal" sectarian eitreme 

Today, more Ihan ever, ethnic Americans must speak from the 
strongest podium poaaibia The continuing growth ol Ihe Republican 
Heritage Council must be solidified and translated mlo a voting 
power tor Republican candidates in neat year's election. We must 
ensure that Ihe While House remains in Republican hands, as well 
as regain control ol Ihe Senate ana strengthen our presence m the 
House ol Representatives. We have observed Ihe direction ol the 
100th Congress during Ihe current sess.ons and that direction is 
alarming. Reneging on aid lo Iho Coniras. obstructing defense, lor- 
eign and domestic programs, and mounting a malicious campaign 
against Judge Bork's nomination are but a lew examples ot what 
lies ahead. 

These developments underline, more then ever, the need lor our 
renewed ellorts so lhal we can have a positive impact in Ihe 1986 
elections The participation and input ol each and every one ol us is 
ol paramount importance. We look forward lo seeing you and will uu 
our (msl to make your Washington visit a most memorable one 

National Republican 
Heritage Croups 
(Nationalities) council 

1 7th Annual Convention 
October 30, 31 , Nov.1 , 1 987 
Grand Hyalt Washington 
1000 H Street, NW 
Washington, DC 20001 

Program information from the 1987 Republican Heritage Groups Council 


f an \ 

«houph council 

The National Relmhlicon Heritage Groups Council 
cordially invites you to attend 
the Century Club Reception 

'Hie Honorable feane /. Kirkfiotrich 
'Hit Honorable Frank f. f'ahrenhnjyf, }r. 

Fridtn . October JO. 
5.30 fi.iri.- 7:?0 fi.iti. 
Grand Itvalt Wtithincton Hotel 
I WO II Street. N.W. 
Woi/iiiiffcm, IXC. 2t)«J! 

National Republican 

Heritage Croups Council Officers 


1 lonnrary Chairmen 

Frank D. Slelli 

Advisory Commilice 

Anna Chcnnaull. Chairman 


U'in. r.ilwartl Dctwiniki 

Hon. Helen Dclich Denllev I.jmi-Ui I'aw.loi 

Nancy Cliin-Ue 

linn. Michael Smirhm 

Hon. B.ilpli Perk 

General Cnumcl 


Ccrald Katiiimki 

1st. |ona< Talanilu 

Regional Vice Chairmen 

2nd, Julius Relio 



Sloven Pinlup-ick 

IClena Jurgela 

Cornelia Slavoff 

A<*i»tanl Scrrcioff 


Rlcclra Ane»t 

Dali.i llohrlit 


Aurlrc Van Cliiw 

Cecilia Bios 


A'tiilant Treasurer 

Cn.nnir Okim 

Suzanne ilc Tarn 

Inctc Stole* 


W C «I: 

|<«e Hoiregn 

Mill* Horrrijo 

Slierwin Chan 

Wllll.llll ClMllfl 


Rireulivc Oirceloi 

Cn live 11 linn Committee Chairman 

IUI. Slavnff 

Theodore Perm* 

I- tank I) Si. Il.i Cl...»m 

Mrs. Ann. i Chennjiill 
Hon. liilw.inl Ocrumiki 
Mr. l1.iniL.-l I-;, rie;iiiiig 
Mi». Ann I'. Ilcntr 
Mr hon.ihl \V. I 

[Inn. hili. in Nicniiv.jk 
Mr. l..n/lo Pj.wtur 
Dr. Theodore IVrros 
linn IU|)h IVrk 
I Kin. Siiiuhns 

I !1 Wl COM^il'IT ! 

Thomas Aiiyull 

Dr. Curmil Singh .Uil.ikh 
r-'krem ll.mlh.1 
lulios UHm. 
Cl'lllill linn 

Slu'rwiu Chun 

M..niK-l ; i |.iu Ch.iplin 

IJr lien Inhn Chen 

Njnty Chin- Lee 

Dr. I'Mnk IV lUogli 

Sii/.nine dc Pjns 

1 1. ins I '.licrli.iril 

Ucv. Mohan Cilibii 

Dr. Vtr.i Wircn Curczynski 

I'liil durum 

Ail i l.m.i l/.van.irm 

Cer.ild Kjniinski 
Melvm Linen 
1 . , I V l.iu 

Dr. Knsh;in Mjllmr 
Or. Sivjr.ij C. Pal 
Albert Polgjr 
Su-vc Postnpack 
FujiI S-ihnnri 
Ct-iiige Salem 
I 'ruling Quang Si 
limy Mipman So 
IW John 1). Tsn 
Christine Valmy 
Cenfgc WolnUiyn 
Kugwie I. '/.lurys. |r. 



The lion. I Arimlrnng 
The lion. Alfoiwc M. ir.Ani.iiii 
Hie Hun. (Jmn C. I Llcli 
The I Inn. Jem- I Iclms 
llic 1 Ion. I.orrv Prctslcr 
Hie I Km Slrom Thurmond 
llw I [on. Pcic Wilson 


The lion Helen I'Wicli llenllcy 
Thr I Inn. Willi.nn S llronmfirlil 
Tlic lion. Philip M, Crane 
The Hon. Rnhcrl K Horn. in 
The lion John I. 
Hit lion. Newt Cnigucli 
The [Jon. I'irnett l'>onii)ii 

Program information from the 1 987 Republican Heritage Groups 
Council meeting. 


I he USSR. The most public activity the Republican Heritage Groups 
C Council affiliates participate in is the yearly "Captive Nations" rallies held 
in 11 handful of cities across the U.S. "Captive Nations" is the term used 
In describe those countries and national groups which have Communist 

The only domestic issue raised in the interviews was their opposition 
to the Office of Special Investigations, the anti-Nazi unit of the Justice 
Department. Clearly lacking was any identifiable interest in domestic issues 
I hat pertain to the welfare of the ethnic communities of America — 
unemployment, crime, discrimination, educational quality, and opportuni- 
ties for a younger generation. Instead, the Republican Heritage Groups 
( -ouncil still fits the description conservative commentator Kevin Phillips 
Have ten years ago: 

Instead of addressing itself to the social and economic issues 
underlying ethnic unrest, the [Republican] National Com- 
mittee put on a Captive Nations rally. . . . Captive Nations 
preoccupation is the rule, not the exception, among Republican 
National Committee ethnic activities. 61 

Still, while the Eastern European Republican Heritage Groups Council 
leaders are preoccupied with cold war issues, there is a broader strategy on 
the part of the Republican National Committee, which uses the anti- 
aimmunist and antiliberal currents in the emigre fascist network to its 
political advantage. The invitation to the 1987 Council meeting lays out 
these broader priorities in carefully chosen language with a special meaning 
for the Eastern European emigre community: 

We are at the crucial point now, in view of international and 
domestic conditions. Ethnic Americans were committed to 
Ronald Reagan's vision of America in 1980 and sustained that 
commitment in 1 984. Ethnic Americans were in the forefront of 
support to the President then and continue to stand by him 
now. We have seen his programs work successfully, while the 
Democrats had no new approach to offer other than socialist 
experimentalism — free spending, free taxing at home, and 
"detente" abroad. We have accomplished the philosophical 
realignment within a wide spectrum of mainstream America, 
while the Democratic Party has withdrawn into a narrow 
"liberal" sectarian extreme. 62 

This less than subtle baiting of the Democratic Party as closet "Reds" 
is one hook used by the Republican Party to unify the constituents of 
the Republican Heritage Groups Council into an electoral force. As the 


invitation to the 1987 meeting also pointed out, "The continuing growth of 
the Republican Heritage Groups Council must be solidified and translated 
into a voting power for Republican candidates in next year's election." 

The Republican National Committee seems to identify the Republican 
Heritage Groups Council as one of its keys to past electoral success and 
future opportunities. Republican Chairman Frank J. Fahrenkopf, Jr., told 
the 1985 Council meeting, "On behalf of the Republican Party 1 want to 
express thanks for all of you in this room who were such a vital, integral part 
of the great victory we achieved on November 6 last year [1984]. We 
couldn't have done it without you, and 1 want you to know that." 63 

A few minutes later, President Reagan told the meeting, "The work of all 
of you has meant a very great deal to me personally, to the Party and to our 
cause. ... 1 can't think of any others who have made a more vital contribu- 
tion to the effort than those of you who are in this room today. ... I want to 
encourage you to keep building the Party. Believe me, bringing more ethnic 
Americans into the fold is the key to the positive realignment that we are 
beginning to see take shape." Former Republican Heritage Groups Council 
chair Michael Sotirhos said in an interview that "The Council was the 
linchpin of the Reagan-Bush ethnic campaign. . . The decision to use the 
Republican Heritage Groups was made at a campaign strategy meeting 
that included Paul Laxalt, Frank Fahrenkopf, Ed Rollins, and others." He 
claims that 86,000 volunteers for Reagan-Bush were recruited through the 
Council. 64 

Jack Kemp also gave a keynote speech at the 1985 Republican Heritage 
Groups Council meeting as part of his long-standing effort to woo support 
from the Captive Nations groups. 

Several White House staffers who appeared on a panel at the 1985 
Republican Heritage Groups Council meeting identified the area of GOP 
growth as ethnic outreach. Linas Kojelis, then the White House Office of 
Public Liaison Ethnic Coordinator, also said that the Republican Heritage 
Groups Council "has been very helpful to coordinate with mainline ethnic 
groups on day-to-day (legislative] issues." 

Sotirhos adds that not only has the Republican Heritage Groups Council 
aided the GOP, but "the success of Reagan-Bush has helped build the 
Council." Ethnics more inclined to work with the GOP, due to their 
attraction to Reagan, structure their work through the Republican Heritage 
Groups Council. Thus, the image and prestige of Council leaders are 
enhanced and legitimized within their ethnic networks by the GOP. 

Council members benefit also by having access to GOP leaders and 
Administration policymakers. One Republican Heritage Groups Council 
brochure notes that "Members are also concerned with foreign policy and 
keep the Administration advised on pertinent historic facts and attitudes 


| author's emphasis] concerning their land of origin. They communicate 
with Congressmen, Senators and the State Department . . . particularly 
Ircgarding] communist-dominated countries." 65 

The GOP, White House, and Republican Heritage Groups Council also 
benefited from one other election effort in 1984 when Maryland Congress- 
man Clarence Long was replaced by Helen Bentley, a Republican Heritage 
Groups Council cochair and a longtime Council activist. Long, a persistent 
critic of White House policy in Central America, was also targeted by the 
Maryland Republican Heritage Groups, whose members claimed to have 
organized the margin of defeat over Long. Bentley was the only elected 
official to attend all three days of the 1985 Republican Heritage Groups 
C Council meeting. She said that it was "the coalition of ethnics" that made 
her victory in Maryland possible. 66 

he GOP cannot be ignorant of the backgrounds of its ethnic leaders. 

1 When Nixon was encouraging the growth of the Republican Heritage 
Groups Council in 1971, Jack Anderson did a series of reports on the pro- 
Nuzi backgrounds of various GOP ethnic advisors. Included in the reports 
were Ivan Docheff and Laszlo Pasztor. In November of 1 97 1 , the Washington 
Cost did a story that elaborated on some of the fascist elements coming into 

In the late 1 970's, sporadic pieces appeared in the media that should have 
mnply warned the GOP, including a 1978 Jack Anderson column on Josef 
Mikus's unrepentant support for Tiso. 68 Mikus and other Tiso collaborators 
were identified as advisors to various Republican figures. Reagan himself had 
:in opportunity to leam of the character of the persons being drawn into the 
GOP since he served on the National Council of the Crusade for Freedom, 
;i group tied to Radio Free Europe. 69 

Radio Free Europe (RFE) was established under the direction of the CIA 
using the various national groupings previously described. Many of these 
elements were brought into the operations of RFE. Some are still working 
with RFE today, which may be why some of their American-based co- 
nationalists lobby so hard for the radio operations. Whether Reagan even 
knew much about these RFE emigres is unclear, but he was in a position to 
li>nrn more than most Americans of the early 1950's about just who some of 
I be emigres were. 

The ethnic advisors to Reagan clearly know of Docheff s past, yet he was 
invited to the White House to a pre-election event. According to Andy 
Valucek, an expert on the myriad ethnic groups and leaders in the U.S. and 


i he GOP. 67 

the National republican heritage groups (Nationalities) council 25 

currently on the staff of Democratic Congressman Tom Foley, the Slovaks 
within the GOP prevented a commemoration by the White House of the 
40th anniversary of the 1944 Allied-supported Slovak uprising that at- 
tempted to topple Tiso near the end of the World War II. 70 The White 
House, however, previously had commemorated the anti-Nazi uprising in 
Poland, an event widely supported by the Polish community. 

In 1988 many of the key figures in the Republican Heritage Groups 
Council were named as leaders of the George Bush presidential campaign's 
ethnic outreach arm, the Coalition of American Nationalities. These in- 
cluded Anna Chennault, Walter Melianovich, Laslo Pasztor, Frank Stella, 
Radi Slavoff, Philip A. Guarino, and Florian Galdau. Other persons on the 
Bush ethnic panel with questionable views or pasts were Bohdan Fedorak 
and Akselis Mangulis. 

In August of 1988 draft copies of the first version of this report were 
mailed to several journalists. At the same time a reporter for Washington 
Jewish Week began collecting information on the backgrounds of the Bush 
campaign's Coalition of American Nationalities (CAN) members after 
hearing criticisms of the Justice Department's Office of Special Investiga- 
tions while covering the Republican Convention. Washington Jewish Week 
originally focused on CAN members Ignatius Billinsky and Jerome Brentar, 
but expanded the article after receiving documentation and background 
information on the Republican Heritage Groups Council from the author of 
this report. The Philadelphia Inquirer also began a substantial investigation of 
the charges in this report. 

In early September of 1988, Pasztor, Slavoff, Guarino, Galdau, Fedorak, 
Brentar, and Billinsky resigned from the Bush panel following revelations 
about their pasts or views appearing in the first edition of this report, 
Washington Jewish Week and the Philadelphia Inquirer. 

Bush adviser Fred Malek resigned from the Bush campaign after the 
Washington Post identified him as having compiled lists of Jews working at 
the Bureau of Labor Statistics on orders from the N ixon White House. 

In early November, the Philadelphia Inquirer raised questions about a 
Latvian member of CAN, which prompted the final resignation, that of 
Akselis Mangulis, charged with having belonged to the pro-Nazi Latvian 
Legion which had connections to the SS. 

While Bush campaign spokespersons pledged there would be an investi- 
gation into the backgrounds and views of the CAN members whose resig- 
nations it had announced, no serious investigation ever took place, and the 
campaign repeatedly referred to the charges as unsubstantiated politically 
motivated smears. Several of the persons who had been reported as resigning 
told journalists they had never been asked to resign and considered them- 
selves still active with the Bush campaign. Furthermore, Guarino, Slavoff, 

26 old Nazis, the new right, and the republican party 

Galdau, and Pasztor are still active with the Republican Heritage Groups 

Leonard Zakim, director of the Boston office of the Anti-Defamation 
League, is troubled by the handling of the resignations of CAN members by 
the Bush campaign. Zakim says that if in fact the Bush campaign has never 
completely investigated the charges concerning the Republican ethnic ad- 
visors as requested by ADL, then he is "extremely unsatisfied" with that 

The ADL is very clear in demanding a full explanation take 
place, these charges are extremely serious and we expect the 
response to be equally serious. We are very disturbed that 
spokespersons for the Bush camp did not see fit to repudiate in 
full those individuals whose stated views are offensive. We don't 
see this as a Jewish issue. When charges like these are raised, all 
people should be concerned. It shouldn't only be Jewish organi- 
zations calling on the political campaigns to deal with issues of 
racism and anti-Semitism, but all persons of good conscience. 

On October 28, 1989, the "Blue Ribbon Committee" of the NRHGC 
released a three-page final report of its investigation into the charges. The 
report failed to respond to the substance of the allegations and was rejected 
by the Republican National Committee, which warned the NRHGC that 
"the relationship it currently enjoys with the RNC is in severe jeopardy." 
Despite these sharp words, Washington Jewish Week reported on November 
28, 1990 that "the National Republican Heritage Groups Council 
(NRHGC), an auxiliary of the Republican National Committee, still refuses 
to address a two-year-old report which charged that many of its members 
had been active in anti-Semitic and fascist groups in Eastern Europe." 

As a candidate, George Bush defended Galdau, Pasztor, Guarino, and 
Slavoff as innocent of all accusations of collaboration, and insisted they are 
all honorable men. But the historical record belies his assertions. 

The GOP for decades has misread ethnic America's concerns about 
crime, employment, anti-ethnic discrimination, and the future of its youth. 
It has offered instead the fascism and ethnic prejudices of the Heritage 
Council, which focuses primarily on funding Radio Free Europe and stop- 
ping Justice Department prosecutions of war criminals who illegally entered 
the country. 

As chairman of the Republican National Committee in the early years of 
the Council, and now as head of the Republican Party and President of the 
United States, Mr. Bush owes Americans a complete explanation. 

That the Republican Party considers its Republican Heritage Groups 
Council members representative of ethnic America shows their confusion 

the National republican heritage groups (Nationalities) council 27 

between the traditionalism that exists in many ethnic communities and the 
antidemocratic and profascist sentiments present within some of the con- 
stituent units of the Republican Heritage Groups Council. To the degree 
that the GOP decides to use the Council to lure ethnics away from the 
Democratic Party, "it is missing the boat and will fail," says Valuchek. 

But the GOP goal may be to create a new leadership in ethnic commu- 
nities, in the same way that conservative and far-right groups have funded 
and credentialed new Black and Latin-American spokespersons in those 

Yet no matter what the intent or goal, the Republican Heritage Groups 
Council has incorporated racist, anti-Semitic, and fascist forces, and even 
rehabilitated some Nazi collaborators; legitimized them as ethnic leaders in 
their own communities and in the press; and provided a vehicle f or ex- 
panding their influence in the Executive branch and Congress, where they 
have played a role in shaping American foreign policy. 



The American 
Security Council 

** in the councils of government we must guard against 
the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or 
unsought, by the military -industrial complex. The potential for 
the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist. 
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger 
our liberty or democratic processes." 

President Dwight D. Eisenhower 
January 17, 1961 



It has been called "The Cold War Campus" and "The Heart of the Mili- 
tary-Industrial Complex." 71 Both are names the American Security Coun- 
cil wears with pride. Its boards are filled with retired senior military officers, 
executives of major corporations, including some of the largest military 
contractors, and some New Right leaders. Wes McCune of the Washington, 
D.C.-based Group Research, which monitors the political right wing, says 
the ASC "is not just the representative of the military-industrial complex, it 
is the personification of the military-industrial complex." 72 

The ASC focuses on foreign policy, military, and intelligence issues. It is 
the clearinghouse for U.S. political rightists on arms control, aid to the 
contras, new weapons programs, and lobbying for special projects, such as 
aid to Jonas Savimbi's UNITA in Angola. In its specialized areas, the ASC 
probably has had more influence with the Reagan Administration than the 
well-publicized Heritage Foundation, a right-wing think tank in Washing- 
ton, D.C., which produced massive studies suggesting conservative policies 
to the Reagan Administration following each election. However, the ASC 
is less visible than the Heritage Foundation. 

Little noticed by the press, the ASC is extremely influential among right- 
wing groups and within the Reagan Administration. In spite of the veneer 
of respectability its board members' credentials might provide in some 
circles, the ASC is in some respects more extremist than the Republican 
Heritage Groups Council. It also serves as a connecting point between Nazi 
collaborationists and fascists on one hand, and Reagan Administration 
policymakers on the other. 

The key outreach arm of the ASC is the Coalition for Peace Through 
Strength. Composed of 171 organizations that are supposed to form a 
grassroots lobby for ASC political priorities, the Coalition is where many of 
the ASC extremist ties are established. The Republican Heritage Groups 
Council and some of its component elements, such as Galdau's Romanian- 
American Republican Clubs, are members of the Coalition. These ties to 
the authoritarian, collaborationist, and fascist Right are consistent with the 
history of the ASC. 


The ASC began in Chicago in 1955, staffed primarily by former FBI 
agents. In its first year it was called the Mid- American Research Library. 
Corporations joined to take advantage of what former FBI agent William 
Turner described in Power on the Right as "a dossier system modeled after the 

30 old Nazis, the new right, and the republican Party 

FBI's, which was intended to weed out employees and prospective employ- 
ees deemed disloyal to the free enterprise concept." 71 

Before the founders of the ASC got into the business of collecting 
dossiers on Americans, however, they had another sort of political interest. 
Their political histories go back to the racialist and anti-Semitic groups in 
the 1 930's that were working in concert with H itler's war aims. Three groups 
in particular would later provide elements of the future ASC: the America 
First Committee, the American Vigilante Intelligence Federation, and the 
American Coalition of Patriotic Societies. 


The person most responsible for establishing the ASC was General Robert 
Wood, then Chairman of Sears Roebuck. 74 Prior to Pearl Harbor, Wood 
was also the chairman of the America First Committee, an organization 
committed to opposing all efforts to aid Allies besieged by Nazi Germany. 75 

As national chairman, Wood made no effort to keep out openly pro-Nazi 
groups known to have been supported by Germany, such as the German- 
American Bund. Radio priest Father Charles Coughlin's anti-Semitic and 
pro-Axis followers were also permitted by Wood to work within America 
First. A 1942 FBI report indicated that Wood's "patriotic" group had "been 
called upon to accept financial assistance from pro-Nazi sources." 76 

After Pearl Harbor and Germany's declaration of war on the United 
States, the America First Committee didn't go out of business as it officially 
declared on December 12, 1941. Five days later, a secret meeting of certain 
key leaders of America First took place in New York to plan for what they 
assumed (and hoped) would be the Axis victory in Europe and the Far East. 77 
"[T]he Committee has in reality gone underground," FBI Director J. Edgar 
Hoover reported to the White House. 78 It began planning for the day when 
they would be the Americans with whom the victorious Nazis would negoti- 
ate a surrender. Finally, when the defeat of the Nazis by Allied powers was a 
foregone conclusion, the America First Committee secretly dissolved itself 
in 1944. 

William Regnery, an incorporator and early leader of the Committee 
with Robert Wood, 79 helped Wood to found the ASC. His son, Henry 
Regnery, replaced him at their book publishing company and at the ASC. 
The younger Regnery told an interviewer several years ago that "I was very 
much opposed to our getting into the war; and I published this book, which 
was highly critical of Roosevelt and of the whole realm of American policies 
involving World War II. Very gladly, I must say." Regnery said that the 
book, published in the early 1 950's, reflected his "personal tastes." 80 


The ASC began collecting dossiers in the McCarthy era in what was often 
seen as a blacklisting operation against union organizers and those with 
"suspect" political orientations. Files and documents were collected from 
the House Committee on Un-American Activities and several private file 
collections. One such collection originally was compiled by Harry Jung, 81 
whose research was motivated by a search for what he saw as a Jewish- 
communist conspiracy. 82 

Jung founded the American Vigilante Intelligence Federation (AV1F) 
in 1927 as an anti-union spy operation. 83 With the rise of anti-Semitism 
in Europe, Jung became the first major distributor in the U.S. of the 
anti-Semitic forgery, "The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion." 84 The 
"Protocols" text had been used as a pretext by Russian Czars and European 
Nazis to conduct pogroms and extermination campaigns against European 
Jewry. His AV1F became involved with German Nazi agents in the U.S. In 
1942, Jung's East Coast operative, a Col. Eugene Sanctuary, was indicted by 
the Justice Department for sedition. 85 One can only wonder at the purpose 
and content of the files collected by Jung, and purchased by the ASC. The 
Jung file collection reportedly had one million names indexed when the 
ASC acquired it some thirty years ago. 

The American Coalition of Patriotic Societies (ACPS) is another "patri- 
otic" group that flourished during Jung's heyday and still exists as a member 
of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength. The ACPS was founded by 
John Trevor in 1929 to support and maintain tight U.S. immigration 
restrictions enacted into law in 1924. 86 Trevor was the behind-the-scenes 
architect of the 1924 Immigration Restriction Act, designed to exclude East 
Europeans, Italians, Jews, and other non-Nordics. 87 

The American Coalition of Patriotic Societies leadership included Harry 
Jung and others with links to German National Socialism. One associate of 
Trevor, Madison Grant, explicitly repudiated "democratic ideals and 
Christian values in the interest of a Nordic philosophy," according to John 
Higham's Strangers in the Land. ss Another ACPS director, Harry Laughlin, 
was given an honorary Ph.D. in 1936 by a Nazi-controlled German univer- 
sity for his work in the area of racial eugenics. 89 

John Trevor, Jung, and a third ACPS official, Walter Steele, were among 
fifteen Americans whose names appeared inside a 1933 Nazi book, recom- 
mending it for an American audience. Begun with an endorsement by 
Adolph Hitler, the book contains such statements as "The total contrast to 
Jewish-Marxist-Bolshevism is exclusively represented by German National 
Socialism." 90 In 1942, U.S. Army Intelligence called Walter Steele's 

32 old Nazis, the new right, and the republican Party 

National Republic "fascist." 91 In the same year, the American Coalition of 
Patriotic Societies was named by the Justice Department as "a factor" in the 
sedition charges brought against those thought to be aiding the Axis. 92 

General Wood, John Trevor, Walter Steele, and their associates all 
became patriotic anticommunists after World War II, however, aiding 
Senator Joe McCarthy, lobbying for a more intense cold war, and supporting 
reprieves for convicted Nazi war criminals. 

General Wood helped establish Human Events, then a monthly maga- 
zine, that in late 1945 called the Nuremberg Trials a "travesty of justice." 91 
Involved in a number of other rightist groups after the war, he recruited John 
M. Fisher, a World War II bomber pilot, from the FBI as a security consult- 
ant for Sears Roebuck in 1953. 

John Trevor was a leader of a group, Ten Million Americans Mobilizing 
for Justice, attempting to prevent the censure of Joe McCarthy. Its leader- 
ship represented a Who's Who of American anti-Semitism. 94 At their 1954 
rally for McCarthy, a female photographer taking pictures of the special 
guest section for Time magazine was physically assaulted amid shouts of 
"Dirty Jew" and "Hang the communist bitch!" 95 

John B. Trevor, Jr. became acting secretary of the American Coalition of 
Patriotic Societies after his father's death in 1 956, but the political character 
of the group showed no noticeable change. 96 The ACPS in 1962 condemned 
the Nuremberg war crimes trials as a "dreadful retrogression into barbarism," 
and called for the release of those "who may still be suffering imprison- 
ment." 97 

John B. Trevor, Jr. was one of eight members of the American Security 
Council Board of Directors until several years ago. In 1985, the president of 
the American Coalition of Patriotic Societies was John Fisher, and their 
address was the same as the ASC. 98 


Although the ASC began as an antilabor operation with support from 
Sears (Fisher was on the Sears payroll the first five years he headed 
ASC) 99 and other businesses, it soon became involved in foreign policy 
issues. It cosponsored a series of annual meetings from 1955 to 1961 called 
National Military-Industrial Conferences in which elements of the Penta- 
gon, National Security Council, and organizations linked to the CIA dis- 
cussed cold war strategy with leaders of many large corporations, such as 
United Fruit, Standard Oil, Honeywell, U.S. Steel, and, of course, Sears 
Roebuck. Robert Wood was the key organizer of these events. 100 One 




With Alvin J. Cottrell, James E. Dougherty, Richard B. Foster, 
Walter F. Hahn, Robert C. Herber, Francis P. Hoeber, Robert 
L. Pfaltzgraff, Jr., and Donovan Yeuell, Jr. 

This book offers a plan for an all-in- 
clusive strategy, and describes how this 
strategy must operate from a military, 
economic, technological, cultural, po- 
litical, psychological and diplomatic 
point of view if we are to exercise our 
power and leadership. Our efforts can- 
not be in one or a few directions, but 
need to be co-ordinated into an overall 
strategy involving the whole Free World. 

Among the many vital subjects ana- 
lyzed and discussed arc: alternate strat- 
egies involving nuclear and conventional 
weapons, the necessity of an expanding 
economy, proposed revisions in our gov- 

ernment's administrative and security 
structure, how our diplomatic corps 
might operate more effectively, the dan- 
gerous lag in our technology, the issues 
of disarmament, arms control and arms 
reduction, new programs and policies 
for Africa, Asia and Latin America. 

A Forward Strategy for America was 
conceived and developed by members of 
the Foreign Policy Research Institute at 
the University of Pennsylvania. The re- 
sult of many discussions, seminars and 
interviews, it is a highly important con- 
tribution to our understanding of Amer- 
ica's role in this age of conflict. 

A Forward Strategy for America was one of the most influential of 
the cold war theoretical works. 

34 old Nazis, the new Right, and the republican Party 

conference "cooperating organization" was the CIA-linked Foreign Policy 
Research Institute. 101 

The Institute's foreign policy thesis during this period was spelled out in a 
book, A Forward Strategy for America by Robert Strausz-Hupe, William R. 
Kintner, and Stefan T. Possony . In discussing nuclear-option scenarios in a 
hypothetical expanding U.S. -Soviet conflict, the book makes the following 

Even at a moment when the United States faces defeat 
because, for example, Europe, Asia and Africa have fallen to 
communist domination, a sudden nuclear attack against the 
Soviet Union could at least avenge the disaster and deprive the 
opponent of the ultimate triumph. While such a reversal at the 
last moment almost certainly would result in severe American 
casualties, it might still nullify all previous Soviet conquests. 102 

Another sponsor of the conferences was the Aircraft Industries Asso- 
ciation (AIA). According to Clarence Lasby's Project Paperclip, the AIA 
pressured the U.S. government in the 1950's to get Nazi scientists into the 
United States. 101 Werhner von Braun who worked on the Nazi rocket 
program, and General John Medaris, who supervised the Nazi scientists in 
the U.S. (and has opposed the investigations of the program by the Justice 
Department's OSI), were both conference participants. 104 

Influential private groups such as the National Association of Manu- 
facturers, Chambers of Commerce, and several university institutes also 
participated in the conferences. In 1959 the National Military-Industrial 
Conferences established an Advisory Committee on Foreign Affairs that 
included a number of representatives of big business. Also included, how- 
ever, were three political figures of the anti-Semitic extreme right. One of 
these was Mark M. Jones, who followed Mervin K. Hart as head of the anti- 
Semitic National Economic Council. Also a member of the Advisory 
Committee was Martin Blank, from Germany. Blank's entries in Who's Who 
in Germany described him as having worked in Berlin for a mine and steel 
mill business group from 1922 to 1945. 105 A study of backers of German 
nazism, Who Financed Hitler, says that Blank represented a secret group of 
twelve Ruhr industrialists called the Ruhrlade, "the most powerful secret or- 
ganization of big business that existed during the Weimar period." 106 
Ruhrlade and its political emissary, Martin Blank, became involved in 
funding the rise of Hitler. The 1959 Military-Industrial Conference bulletin 
identifies him as a representative of German industry. 

A third member of the committee was Baron Frederich August von der 
Heydte, who had also been active with the 1958 conference. His entry in 
Who's Who in Germany and other sources say that he was an "active officer 


1935-47" in the German army. 107 Heydte, whose family was close to the 
exiled Hohenzollen monarch, 108 was reported to have written in 1953 that 
"democracy is linked with collapse, defeat and foreign uniforms stalking 
German soil," and that "democracy was brought by the victorious enemy 
together with the army of occupation." 109 Von der Heydte was a cofounder 
and ideological leader of the Christian Democratic Union, a party that 
brought a variety of Nazi elements into its fold after the first postwar 
German elections. 110 In recent years von der Heydte has formed an associa- 
tion with Lyndon LaRouche's neofascist cult group. 1 " The only foreign 
members of the National Military-Industrial Conference's Foreign Affairs 
Committee during this period were Blank and von der Heydte. 


In 1958, the Military-Industrial Conference formed the Institute for 
American Strategy (IAS) to conduct ongoing cold war propaganda. It was 
left to the American Security Council and the University of Pennsylvania's 
Foreign Policy Research Institute to administer the IAS." 2 The IAS became 
a center of controversy in 1961, however, because of its role in political 
indoctrination of the military and its ties to active duty military organiza- 
tions that were beginning to conduct propaganda in civilian forums. The 
concern of IAS critics was that an emerging military-industrial complex 
could begin to dominate politics and government policymaking, as was 
noted by President Eisenhower in his 1961 farewell address. Senator Wil- 
liam Fulbright and President John F. Kennedy began to share that concern, 
especially when it became clear that it was liberalism itself that was under 

In 1961, the New York Times reported that a 1958 National Security 
Council directive recommended that "the military be used to reinforce the 
cold war effort." The NSC decided that the military should conduct indoc- 
trination campaigns for the American public on cold war and foreign policy 
issues. The Institute for American Strategy became the vehicle for the NSC 
program, organizing "National Strategy Seminars." The Bulletin of Atomic 
Scientists noted: 

What is particularly striking about the National Strategy 
Seminars is that through the authorization of the Joint Chiefs of 
Staff, the Institute for American Strategy, in effect, took over 
from the services the responsibility for training reserve officers 
on active duty, even though the National War College, whose 
facilities were used, had been giving courses on strategy to senior 

36 old Nazis, the new right, and ti ie republican Party 

officers of the three services as well as civilians for the past ten 

At the same time, while the government paid for allowance, 
travel, facilities and services, the Richardson Foundation pro- 
vided the funds for other expenses, including the cost of 
developing a curriculum for the seminar, hiring a staff, securing 
speakers, and purchasing books and other materials to be distrib- 
uted to the students without charge." 3 

Fulbright warned of the dangers implicit in the situation: 

The relationships between the Foreign Policy Research In- 
stitute, the Institute for American Strategy, the Richardson 
Foundation, the National War College, and the Joint Chiefs 
of Staff, should be re-examined from the standpoint of 
whether these relationships do not amount to official support 
for a viewpoint at variance with that of the Administration. 

These relationships may give one particularly aggressive view 
a more direct and commanding influence upon military and 
civilian concepts of strategy than is desirable. 114 

Frank Barnett was director of research for the Richardson Foundation 
(now the Smith-Richardson Foundation) and program director of the Insti- 
tute for American Strategy. Barnett advocated "political warfare" abroad 
that included fomenting "diverse forms of coercion and violence including 
strikes and riots, economic sanctions, subsidies for guerrilla or proxy warfare 
and, when necessary, kidnapping or assassination of enemy elites." 115 Riled 
by those who did not share his militant foreign policy outlook, Barnett told 
attendees at one cold war seminar that "it is within the capacity of the 
people in this room to literally turn the State of Georgia into a civilian war 
college," in order to overcome their opponents." 6 

William Kintner, a twenty-five-year ASC veteran who left the CIA after 
eleven years as a planning officer and joined IAS in 1961, attacked the 
critics of extreme rightism in the Reader's Digest, May 1962. He said the 
campaign against extreme rightists, including the John Birch Society, began 
when "dossiers in Moscow's espionage headquarters were combed for the 
names of unsuspecting persons in the United States who might do the 
Kremlin's work." In other words, Presidents Eisenhower and Kennedy were 
dupes of the KGB ... or worse. In the jargon of today's extreme right, those 
concerned over the growing military-industrial complex were spreading 
"Soviet disinformation." 

Despite the controversy, the NSC directive authorizing the military's 
role in cold war propaganda remained in effect. Edward Lansdale became 


administrative director of IAS in the mid-1960's, serving while John Fisher 
was president of the organization. Lansdale was also an architect of CIA 
covert operations in Vietnam." 7 The Institute for American Strategy later 
changed its name to the American Security Council Foundation. 

In the early 1960's the ultraright was planning Goldwater's presidential 
campaign effort, helping to build the political base of extreme right groups. 
In concert with the Goldwater campaign, the American Security Council in 
1964 published a book called Guidelines far Cold War Victory which listed 
board members and cooperating organizations from several far-right groups, 
including some linked to the John Birch Society. At least one ASC official 
was even associated with the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby." 8 

These relationships take on greater significance as one learns more about 
the nature of groups such as Liberty Lobby and the John Birch Society. For 
instance, the founder of the John Birch Society, Robert Welch, once called 
President Eisenhower "a dedicated, conscious agent of the Communist 
conspiracy," while the leader of Liberty Lobby, Willis Carto, edited a pub- 
lication in 1960 calling for voter support for the American Nazi Party. 

In his book The Liberty Lobby and the American Right, author Frank P. 
Mintz outlines the "overlap in ideology and clientele" between Liberty 
Lobby and the John Birch Society as well as the important differences: 

The John Birch Society in the early 1960's aspired to the 
leadership of a radical right that strongly defended national 
sovereignty and opposed American membership in interna- 
tional organizations such as the United Nations. Closely related 
to the nationalist stance was a conspiratorial interpretation of 
U.S. history that made the Council on Foreign Relations an ally 
of the Communist conspiracy. 119 

But while the Birch Society trumpeted jingoistic patriotism via con- 
spiracy theories, Mintz says that the "Lobby voiced racist and anti-Semitic 
beliefs in addition to conspiracism." Mintz explains: 

Structurally, the Lobby was a most unusual umbrella organi- 
zation catering to constituencies spanning the fringes of Neo- 
Nazism to the John Birch Society and the radical right. It was 
not truly paramilitary, in the manner of the Ku Klux Klan and 
Nazis, but was more accurately an intermediary between racist 
paramilitary factions and the recent right. 

The prodefense network being created by the American Security Coun- 
cil in the 1960's offered a respectable and anonymous way for members of 
the radical right John Birch Society and quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby to pursue 
the promilitary, anticommunist portions of their ideology in a setting where 

38 old Nazis, the new right, and the republican party 

the less savory portions of their views could be ignored in the spirit of 
coalition building. 


The ASC's role in elections wasn't highly visible until 1970. That year it 
targeted opponents of Richard Nixon's Vietnam War policies for defeat 
through the distribution of a "national security vote index" which claimed 
liberals were soft on communism. The ASC warned voters, "Did you vote 
for ... a real missile gap? A new Cuban missile crisis? . . . Well, that's what 
you got! And a powerful coalition of members of Congress is trying to 
further reduce our defenses." 120 

After Jimmy Carter became President in 1977, the ASC began to orga- 
nize opposition to his plans to ratify the SALT II treaty. The ASC formed 
the Coalition for Peace Through Strength in August, 1 978 for that purpose, 
and to put together a network to defeat the Democratic Party's nominee in 
1980. In a Coalition report issued immediately after the 1980 elections, 
Coalition co-chair Paul Laxalt, who was also Reagan's 1980 campaign 
chairman, praised Fisher and the ASC: "The combination of all your 
efforts — particularly your TV blitz, Speakers Bureau and Political Action 
Committee — had a powerful impact on the election results." 121 


In 1980 the American Security Council Foundation produced a film, The 
SALT Syndrome, to oppose Senate ratification of the SALT treaty and to 
suggest that Jimmy Carter was unilaterally disarming the U.S. Its use by the 
tax-exempt ASC Foundation was described by Fisher: "In the last three 
months of the campaign . . . ASCF increased its average TV showings from 
30 a month to 180 bookings per month for a total of 1,956 showings during 
this election year." Fisher claimed that the purchased commercial air time, 
cable showings and screenings by private groups reached anywhere from 50 
to 137 million people. 

The ASC was also active in realigning the Senate toward the GOP. 
Fisher, for instance, celebrated the victory of James Abdnor of South 
Dakota, by noting Abdnor had "unseated the eighteen-year superdove in- 
cumbent, Senator George McGovern." Fisher also reported Abdnor ex- 
pressed pleasure with the help he received. "Aside from my own campaign 
committee itself, no organization was more helpful in my successful Senate 
race than the Coalition for Peace Through Strength/ American Security 
Council," Abdnor is quoted as saying. 

In the South Dakota race, according to the Coalition Insider (the news- 


letter of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength), The SALT Syndrome 
was shown eleven times on the three major television stations in South 
Dakota and as a projected film or videotape it was screened to 1,000 
audiences. Making the ASC film his own, "Abdnor prepared an opening 
and closing statement that was incorporated in the 16mm version of 'The 
SALT Syndrome'." ASC organizers "along with Abdnor's staff were respon- 
sible for these more than 1,000 showings of the film . . . throughout the 
state," reported the Coalition Insider. 

The ASC-PAC also gave Abdnor's campaign $8,000. Other promilitary 
Senate candidates for whom the ASC made special efforts included Charles 
Grassley, Alfonse D'Amato, and Steven Symms. 

According to Fisher: 

Coalition Co-chairman Major General [Ret.] John (Jack) 
Singlaub played a continuing role in the Grassley campaign, 
first visiting Iowa in the early summer. Singlaub's radio and 
television ads made for Grassley became an important part of 
the campaign's thrust. In addition, Singlaub filmed a special 
introduction to "The SALT Syndrome" for Grassley, who used 
the film widely in his campaign. 

The report notes that Grassley's Democratic opponent, incumbent 
Senator John Culver, moved ahead in the polls, so Grassley asked retired 
Lt. General Daniel O. Graham, former CIA deputy director and ex-head 
of the Defense Intelligence Agency, to campaign for him. Graham, who was 
executive director of the ASC's PAC, was carried by private plane on 
"a whirlwind tour of western Iowa." A rally and press meetings were ar- 
ranged. Grassley pulled ahead in the polls and held the lead through the 
November 4 elections. The ASC PAC also gave the Grassley campaign 

Another all-out effort was made by ASC in behalf of Alphonse D'Amato 
against Elizabeth Holtzman in New York's Senate race. "ASC staffers were 
in there pitching from the start. A whole contingent went to help the 
D'Amato campaign with the press. ..." According to the report, Gen. 
Graham, retired Brig. Gen. Robert Richardson, and several admirals repre- 
sented the Coalition for Peace Through Strength on D'Amato's behalf. The 
ASC PAC also gave his campaign $ 1 ,000. The Fisher ASC election report 
notes that Graham enjoyed most his campaign against Frank Church, who 
had led the Senate investigation of illegal CIA activities. Graham called 
Church, in typical ASC overstatement, "the architect of the destruction of 
our intelligence system" for investigating the CIA illegalities. 

Both Graham and Singlaub (who also had worked for the CIA) 
"campaigned vigorously for Steve Symms . . . each paying Idaho three 

40 Old Nazis, the new rici it, and The republican party 

separate visits. They were together for the Idaho Republican State conven- 
tion." One headline, typical of the ASC style of rhetoric, read "Singlaub 
Blames Church for Soviet Supremacy." Symms received $2,000 from ASC- 
PAC. Fisher claims that in 1980 the Coalition and ASC "briefed and/or 
campaigned for sixty-seven candidates." He said ASC staffers served as 
media consultants, researchers, and aided candidates in making intro- 
ductions and closing statements to the ASC's The SALT Syndrome. 

The ASC-PAC also aided Republican Senators Jake Gam and Dan 
Quayle [now Vice-President Quayle] with $3,000 each, as well as Paula 
Hawkins, Paul Laxalt, Mack Mattingly, and Don Nickles with $1,000 each. 
In the House, Jack Kemp, Robert K. Doman and Gerald Solomon were 
Republicans who received $1,000 each, as did Democrats Sam Stratton, 
Andrew Ireland, and Bill Chappell. 


While the Coalition f or Peace Through Strength became more involved in 
elections and lobbying for Reagan Administration priorities, the number of 
organizations in the Coalition grew from about forty in 1978 to 171 in 1986. 
As the Coalition grew, more bizarre groups were brought in. Many of the 
groups mentioned earlier are part of the Coalition: the Republican Heritage 
Groups Council and its Slovak, Romanian, Italian, Chinese, and Cossack 
Republican units; the Slovak World Congress, the Bulgarian National 
Front, the Byelorussian-American Association, and several other emigre 
fascist groups. But one organization that is a Coalition member and brings 
together, under ASC auspices, the Republican Heritage Groups Council 
and more ardent Nazis is the National Confederation of American Ethnic 
Groups (NCAEG). 

The NCAEG is an organization which becomes active about a year 
before presidential elections. Treasurer Richard Kolm says of the NCAEG 
"We don't have contact with the Democratic Party. NCAEG has a reputa- 
tion as Republican." It is also called "Szaz's personal springboard" by one of 
its officers, in reference to Executive Vice-President Z. Michael Szaz's 
dominance. Szaz is an official of the Virginia Republican Heritage Groups 
Council, an associate of racialist Roger Pearson (see Part 3), and a director of 
the ASC's American Foreign Policy Institute. In mid- 1983, the NCAEG 
began operating out of the ASC's Washington office in preparation for the 
1984 elections. 122 

The NCAEG presents itself as a congress of American ethnicity with a 
mandate to fight for the interests of millions of ethnic Americans, which 
some NCAEG leaders say are treated as second-class citizens. It is, however, 
an organizational forum for, and dominated by, Nazi collaborationists, 
emigre f ascists, and anti-Semites. A number of the groups and leaders within 


The Journal of 
Historical Review 

Peter H. Oppenheimer [SH 

From the Spanish C iv il War to the 
Fail of France: Luftwaffe Lessons 
Learned and Applie d 

Robert C. Black 

Politics, Prejudice and Procedure: 
The Impe a chment Trial 
of A ndrew Johnson 

Alexander Ronnett, M.D. & Faust Bradesiu, Ph.D. 

The L egi onary Movement in Romania 

— Book Reviews — 
Execution by Hunger: The Hidden Holocaust 
The PoStks of Hunger: The ABied Blockade of Germany 1915-19 
The Falcon and the Eagle: Montenegro and Austria I90H-I4 


Historians Wrangle over the Destruction of European Jewry 
^^^^ Shoah: Abr aham Bombt^ihe^ Barber 

Volume Seven, Number Two Summer I VH6 

Dr. Alexander Ronnett's defense of the Nazi-linked Romanian Iron Guard 
appeared in the anti-Semitic Journal of Historical Review. 

42 old Nazis, the new rioi it, and the republican PAim 

the NCAEG are also affiliated with the National Republican Heritage 
Groups Council. 12 ' 

One of the exceptions is the Romanian affiliate of the NCAEG, the 
Romanian American National Congress. Unlike the reticent Galdau, who 
denies being an Iron Guardsman, Dr. Alexander Ronnett, head of the 
Romanian American National Congress, has written a defense of the Iron 
Guard. 124 

Throughout its sixty-year history, the Iron Guard has maintained a 
mystical, morose Romanian volkish nationalism and anti-Semitism. 125 The 
Iron Guard's links to the German SS and their attempted 1941 coup against 
the Romanian monarchy were evidence of the violent nature of the Guard. 
Their macabre ritual assassination practices were given full play during the 
three-day coup attempt, when thousands were rounded up and many mur- 
dered. Jews were a special target. 126 

Today, Ronnett talks of "Jew-Communists" and the need for the Ameri- 
can military to destroy the Warsaw pact. In his suburban Chicago M.D.'s 
office, Iron Guard symbols hang on the wall along with autographed photos 
of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet meeting with Ronnett and other Iron 
Guard leaders. The message of the Iron Guard is still taken seriously in some 
circles. 127 

An Illinois ethnic advisor to the Reagan-Bush campaign in 1984, 
Ronnett spoke at the February, 1986 annual meeting of the Institute for 
Historical Review, where he claimed Jews were enemies of the Iron 
Guard. 128 The IHR is the Holocaust-denial group in Costa Mesa that 
attempts to rewrite the history of World War II in favor of the Axis powers 
and present nazism in a favorable light. The IHR is sponsored by Willis 
Carto who also leads the anti-Semitic and quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby. 
Ronnett's Romanian American National Congress, which has long-stand- 
ing ties to the World Anti-Communist League (W ACL), 129 recently joined 
the Coalition for Peace Through Strength. 

Another NCAEG leader who was active with IHR was Austin App of 
the German American National Congress (also known by its German 
acronym "DANK"). App, a pro-Nazi activist for decades, wrote The Six 
Million Swindle, 1,0 asserting that the Nazi extermination of Jews didn't 
happen. Until his death in 1986, App was also active with extreme 
rightists based in Germany. App was a founder of the NCAEG. DANK is 
its German affiliate. DANK was active in the Republican Heritage Groups 
Council in the early 1970's, but the GOP German slot has had no affiliate in 
recent years. DANK, a group that glories in the memory of the Third 
Reich, is also a member of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength, 
despite the fact that App had written in 1946 that "the German armies 
[were] the most decent armies of the war." In his 1974 pamphlet, A 


Straight Look at the Third Reich: Hitler and National Socialism , How Right? 
How Wrong?, App wrote, "The truth is that in World War II the Third 
Reich fought for justice, and the Allies fought to prevent justice." 131 Writing 
in Commentary, December 1980, Lucy Dawidowicz bluntly called DANK 
"pro-Nazi," a characterization easily justified by the content of the group's 

When NCAEG held a meeting in the fall of 1983, representatives of the 
White House and Republican National Commitee were participants. Re- 
publican Heritage Groups Council Executive Director Radi Slavoff was 
identified in the program as also being the NCAEG's Secretary/Director of 
Activities. One of the activities planned was to honor NCAEG founders 
Austin App and Slovak Josef M ileus, the former Tiso diplomat." 2 

In 1985, Slavoff and Pasztor were replaced by American-born ethnics in 
order to campaign against the Justice Department's Office of Special Inves- 
tigations (OSI), the Nazi prosecution unit. New Jersey NCAEG chair 
Joseph Plonski, who is also vice-chair of the New Jersey Republican Heri- 
tage Groups Council, says that the "Soviets are using OSI as a vehicle to 
divide and conquer America." He said they wanted NCAEG leaders to be 
American-bom so they couldn't be accused of "war crimes." 1 " 

NCAEG's anti-OSI campaign put together a booklet that has a friendly 
note from former White House Communications Director Patrick 
Buchanan."'' NCAEG credibility on the OSI question is further compli- 
cated by the public assertions of some of its associates that the Holocaust 
never happened. 

Other Republican Heritage Groups Council leaders who have been 
active with the NCAEG include Walter Melianovich, Nicolas Nazarenko, 
Alexander Aksenov, and Laszlo Pasztor. In a 1971 Washington Post story on 
some of the extreme elements within the NCAEG and Republican Heritage 
Groups Council, Pasztor's attitude was described as uncritical of the fascists 
he was working with: "He talks to all of them, he says, and praises the 
concept of an umbrella organization for ethnics. He denounces no one." 135 

Ethnic groups are not the only extremists in the Coalition for Peace 
Through Strength. Other groups include: 

A lobby and newsletter operation run by Gary Potter. Its February-March 
1983 newsletter attacked "Zionist" wealth, and "skillful playing on the 
Holocaust theme." The proposed solution is stated thus: "The nation does 
not necessarily have to become Christian again to shake off the Zionist 
power. Germany didn't. Germany also ultimately failed . . . following Him 
[Christ] is the course the U.S. should take to be free." 136 

44 old Nazis, the new right, and the republican Party 


Although it poses as a Catholic organization, the Order of St. John is a 
Masonic group that claims to be the real Knights of Malta.'" Its Grand 
Master for fifty years until his death several years ago was Charles Pichel, an 
adviser (via correspondence from the U.S.) to Hitler aide Ernst 
Hanfstaengl. 138 Pichel's Order is a secret society led by anti-Semites who 
have worked with the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby and with neofascist Lyndon 
LaRouche groups." 9 

A subsidiary of the pro-Nazi German American National Congress 
(DANK), the Council is headed by Karol Sitko. Active in NCAEG, Sitko 
was described in the Washington Post as an ally of Austin App and Ivan 
Docheff. 140 Sitko was also the organizer for the West German branch of the 
Western Goals Foundation, a far-right political organizing and research 
group which, until the death of its founder, Congressman Larry McDonald, 
was essentially a front for the John Birch Society's private intelligence 
network. In Germany, Sitko organized rallies in Nuremberg and Hanover 
drawing 240,000 people. He was supported by billionaire H.L. Hunt and 
General John Singlaub. 141 His activities were conducted in concert with the 
Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (see Section 3 , part 4) . 

Renamed Conservative Alliance (CALL), this group was organized by the 
late Terry Dolan's National Conservative Political Action Committee 
(NCPAC is also in the Coalition for Peace Through Strength). CALL has 
received major funding through groups affiliated with Rev. Sun Myung 
Moon, according to the Wall Street journal and other reports. 142 CALL 
started the National Coalition for America's Survival, which includes the 
newly-reincarnated America First Committee. H3 The current America First 
Committee, related only by name to the earlier group, is a Chicago-based 
racist and anti-Semitic organization headed by neo-Nazi Art Jones. Jones 
alternates Nazi uniforms with Klan robes and participated in a Klan-Nazi 
unity meeting sponsored by Aryan Nations in October of 1985. 144 Jones 
constantly issues attacks on Blacks, Jews, and Hispanics, and functions as 
the ideological leader of Chicago-area Nazi groups. 


One of three groups in the Coalition headed by Lady Malcolm Douglas- 
Hamilton, who is also on the board of the American Security Council 
Foundation. Her deceased husband, part of the British aristocracy, was the 
brother of the host of Rudolph Hess when, in 1 940, Hess made his secret 


flight to England. Hess, a top aide to Hitler and Nazi Party official, sought to 
meet with the British aristocratic circles known as the Cliveden Set. 145 
Sympathetic to Hitler's war aims, the Cliveden Set tried to get England out 
of the war it had declared against Germany in September, 1939, after 
Germany invaded Poland. Hess was arrested and imprisoned. After Lord 
Malcolm Douglas came to the U.S., he established an American branch of 
a racial eugenics group headquartered in Scotland. The oil billionaire Hunt 
brothers and Senator Jesse Helms are members of the group. It was headed 
by Robert Gayre, who published the racialist Mankind Quarterly until Roger 
Pearson took it over in 1978 (see Section 3, part J ). Lady Malcolm Douglas- 
Hamilton set up a number of groups, including the Committee to Unite 
America. John Fisher is listed among its Founders and on its Sponsoring 
Committee, as are other ASC principals. 

he American Security Council sponsored weekly private meetings 

1 between National Security Council representatives, congressional staff- 
ers and New Right groups active on foreign policy issues. Begun in January, 
1985, the Tuesday Group, as it became known for its Tuesday morning 
Capitol Hill sessions, focused on gaining aid for the contras, a top White 
House and ASC priority. 

ASC leaders in 1985 were reluctant to discuss the Tuesday Group due to 
the participation of Lt. Col. Oliver North, then a deputy director of the 
National Security Council, and the attendance of Constantine Menges, the 
former head of Latin American affairs at NSC. North eventually came under 
congressional fire in 1987 for his role in coordinating secret and private aid 
to the Contras. North has participated in other ASC activities and had his 
picture in the Peace Through Strength Report, January, 1986, with Fisher, 
even though the White House demanded that the Washington Post and 
other papers not use North's picture — for reasons of national security. 

The Tuesday Group was chaired by Sam Dickens, ASC's Director for 
Inter- American Affairs and editor of Radio Free Americas, a radio program 
picked up by the ASC in 1968 when a similar program was exposed in 1967 
as CIA-sponsored. Others in the group, whose attendance varies slightly 
depending on the weekly topic, included: representatives of the Pentagon 
and State Department; the Heritage Foundation; the Center for Strategic 
and International Studies; the National Forum Foundation; former U.S. 
Ambassador to Costa Rica Curtin Winsor, Jr.; Lynn Bouchey, head of the 
Council for Inter-American Security; Dave Sullivan, an aide to Senator 




Jesse Helms, Steve Symms, and James McClure; and Angelo Codevilla, a 
former aide to Sen. Malcolm Wallop, who now went to Hoover Institution 
in California. 146 

Menges described the meetings as purely "social affairs" and said he only 
came in contact with the Tuesday Group in 1987. He had left the NSC a 
month prior to our interview, in early 1987, to work for Jack Kemp's Fund 
for an American Renaissance. 

One Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs also attended 
the Tuesday meetings in order to maintain contacts with other foreign 
policy hard-liners. At the risk of losing his job, he blasted the policies of 
Secretary of State George Schultz, Assistant Secretary for African Affairs 
ChesterCrocker, and Deputy Assistant Secretary Frank Wisner. The impact 
of Tuesday Group work was noted by one source who said "the Michel 
Amendment" for contra aid was written through its process. 

Various experts are brought in to discuss the topic of any given meeting. 
According to Dickens, guests may include "Congressmen, former heads of 
state, ambassadors, military leaders from El Salvador, Honduras — Eden 
Pastora, Roberto DAubuisson we've had at our breakfast." According to 
Winsor, Sol Sanders (if Business Week made one presentation on the situa- 
tion in Mexico. "His views are virtually the same as [former Ambassador] 
Jim Gavins," Winsor added. 

Dickens said in 1986 that the f ocus of the Tuesday Group had been on 
contra aid, and would continue to be. The Tuesday Group's purpose was "to 
bring people together to develop ideas and action plans to get support from 
Congress for the Freedom Fighters," according to the ASC activist. Dickens 
said that for Reagan to get consensus on the Hill f or funding the contras it 
was going to take private sector involvement, "So we've been working on 
that basis. . . ." Dickens said that he would "advise contra leaders" and "help 
raise money for them through foundations." 

After insisting that "the U.S. ought to break diplomatic relations" with 
Nicaragua and "recognize UNO [United Nicaraguan Opposition]," Dickens 
said that the NSC at the time was considering such a move after initial 
funding for the contras was approved. He predicted that the break would 
come after "another country takes the lead in South America" to end 
diplomatic ties with Nicaragua. These predictions came shortly before the 
story of Iran-contragate broke in the national news media. 

In addition to the foreign policy subjects of the Tuesday Group, a 
working group has met in "crisis" situations, presumably to aid funding for 
programs that need Congressional lobbying, such as Star Wars, chemical 
weapons, and the MX. The appropriate administration officials, military 
contractors, and political groups are believed to have participated. 147 

The relationship between Reagan and the ASC has been a long and 


mutually beneficial partnership. Presidential candidate Ronald Reagan 
joined the Coalition for Peace Through Strength as an individual member 
as the Coalition was being formed in 1978. 148 The ASC supplied campaign 
advisors and a drumbeat of propaganda for the defeat of J immy Carter. After 
Reagan's 1980 victory, the ASC was heavily represented on the transition 
teams and in the new Administration. In turn, Reagan provided three 
fundraising letters for the ASC during his first year in office. 149 

Observing this relationship near the end of 1980, retired Admiral 
Gene La Rocque, director of the Washington, D.C.-based Center for 
Defense Information, stated that "the American Security Council, which 
only a few years ago was generally dismissed in serious defense circles as 
an insignificant fringe group left over from the McCarthy era, today 
stands poised to take control of the defense policies of this nation." La 
Rocque noted that Reagan's inexperience in defense issues meant that 
"[w]hen it comes to military policy, Governor Reagan depends totally on his 
advisors." 150 

eagan's NSC turned to the ASC early on for collaboration on its 

projects. A March 11, 1982 letter from then National Security Advisor 
William Clark praised ASC's 1980 film Attack on the Americas as "effective 
and accurate" and asked the ASC to produce an updated version incorpo- 
rating Reagan's Caribbean and Central American policies. The "Dear John" 
letter to Fisher on White House letterhead claimed that it was necessary to 
turn to the ASC because "media coverage has been fraught with both 
misinformation and disinformation. . . ." Clark ended the letter with a "look 
forward to working with you in the future." 

The ASC produced the film, bringing Sam Dickens in as a consultant. 151 
In August 1 982, the ASC Foundation held a speakers training forum in the 
White House with high Administration officials participating. 152 The 
speaker's bureau was another ASC vehicle made available to the Adminis- 
tration to help develop public support for its policies. The 1980 version of 
Attack on the Americas reportedly received funds for its $500,000 budget from 
several extreme right-wing groups in Guatemala with links to death squads 
in that country. 15 ' 

Another film on Central America, Crisis in the Americas, was also pro- 
duced with NSC interests in mind. According to one source, however, the 
NSC paid the ASC for its help. "I was screening the film footage taken in 
Central America so that we could make a copy," said British Broadcasting 




Corporation producer David Taylor, who works in Washington, D.C. "The 
film's producer, Walter Gold, told me I couldn't use some of the footage 
because it was shot for the NSC through a contract arrangement with the 
ASC. It was supposed to be secret." Taylor said that some of the footage was 
of a classified U.S. air base in El Salvador to which journalists could not get 
access. "For them to get to that base, they had to be cleared." Some of the 
footage had a C-130 aircraft landing at the base that Gold identified as "a 
CIA transport." He also told Taylor that footage of the 1984 elections in El 
Salvador had "CIA election observers." It was never explained why the 
NSC wanted this footage, nor how much was paid to the ASC to produce 
it. 154 The public version of Crisis in the Americas premiered in the White 
House in February 1985.'" NSC head Robert McFarlane headlined the 
event, while former presidential assistant Faith Whittlesey praised the ASC 
for its "initiative." 

Another source of funds for ASC film efforts came from the First Na- 
tional Bank of Chicago. In 1987, the American Banker noted the FBI was 
investigating the unauthorized use of $100,000 by two former bank officials 
to aid an ASC promotional film. One bank employee, Wayne Gregory, was 
head of the Illinois Branch of the ASC's U.S. Congressional Advisory Board 
(USCAB), a part of ASC's fundraising operation. 156 Gregory's attorney, 
Matthias Lydon, said of the ASC's involvement, "nothing was said, as- 
sumptions were made" between Gregory and the ASC.' 57 The ASC gave 
Gregory an award "to honor the example and dedication he has shown." 158 
The USCAB had further problems when the home of former Illinois Con- 
gressman Robert Hanrahan, who headed the national USCAB fundraising 
operation, was raided in a "nationwide investigation into a scheme to hide 
drug profits." 159 

In September, 1983 Reagan sent a "Dear John" letter to Fisher on White 
House stationery which began "I am glad to hear that you are launching an 
IN DEFENSE OF AMERICA project to counter the massive Soviet propa- 
ganda and disinformation on issues like Central America and the nuclear 
weapons freeze. . . . My Administration will cooperate fully with you in this 
project." 160 

The "In Defense of America" project was geared toward shaping public 
opinion for the 1 984 campaign. The centerpiece of the $ 1 5 million project 
was production of two films that were intended to play a campaign role 
similar to the use made of Trie SALT Syndrome in 1980. The Coalition's 
November 1983 newsletter notes that "a special team drawn from the 
National Security Council, the State Department, [and] the Department of 
Defense" will assist the ASC project. 

The first film was A Strategy for Peace Through Strength which, like 
all ASC propaganda, claims U.S. military inferiority. A scene of Carter 


embracing Brezhnev is later contrasted with a hard-line Reagan speech, 
giving viewers an idea as to who is weakening America. 

The second film was Crisis in the Americas. Its graphics featured a bear 
from the eastern horizon aggressively looming over Central America. Presi- 
dent Reagan and Administration spokesmen are the star players in the 

Part of the appeal to raise the $15 million for the ASC project was to 
double the number of groups in the Coalition for Peace Through Strength, 
from 158 to 300. Another goal was to build state and local units of the 
Coalition. A separately stated goal was to "Encourage the organization of 
affiliated Coalitions in all other free world countries." 161 

In several interviews, Fisher declined to discuss any means by which they 
intended to organize other "Free World" Coalitions. Although he suggested 
that CIOR, the NATO reserve officers association, would be a possible 
vehicle, he seemed to have no plan, or intention of developing one. It was 
also unclear what the international character and function of a Coalition for 
Peace Through Strength may be in, say, Chile, Paraguay or South Africa — 
countries where domestic peace has been maintained through the strength 
of police and military units deployed by the government. 

Those aspects of the ASC project related to Reagan's re-election, how- 
ever, were implemented with some success. J. Walter Thompson Advertis- 
ing Company arranged half -hour slots on nearly 200 commercial stations to 
show the "Peace Through Strength" film a month before the November 
election. Public and cable TV showings were also arranged. Crisis in the 
Americas didn't make it before the elections. 

The ASC planned to complement that week of film showings on TV 
with "Peace Through Strength" rallies in forty-eight states. 162 Most were 
poorly attended. The ASC also planned a "World Peace Through Strength 
Day" on September 19, 1984. Although the nature of the event was unclear, 
the ASC noted "the day-long extravaganza is scheduled for the eve of 
America's Presidential elections" which the ASC felt "further enhances its 
significance." 163 

The coordinators of some of the state Coalition activities represent the 
extreme politics of the national organization. The North Carolina Coalition 
coordinator during the 1984 re-election effort for Senator Jesse Helms was 
Milton Croom, 164 a longtime supporter of Lyndon LaRouche's activities, and 
a partner in a western Maryland radio station owned by the LaRouche 
group. 165 The LaRouche network frequently organizes around anti-Semitic 
and neo-Nazi themes, and collaborates with American neo-Nazi groups and 
the Ku Klux Klan. Former members say the core of the organization is a cult 
with members totally subservient to LaRouche. 166 

Betty McConkey, the Iowa Coalition coordinator, was a candidate for 

50 old Nazis, the new right, and the republican party 

state legislative office under the banner of the Populist Party, 167 a political 
front of the anti-Semitic and quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby. The Populist Party 
.openly includes elements from the Ku Klux Klan as well as the violent 
paramilitary Posse Comitatus. 168 

When the ASC put together the "In Defense of America" project, they 
assembled a "strategy board" for the ASC Foundation. 169 It included two 
former directors of covert operations of the CIA, and two former intelli- 
gence operatives involved in organizations aiding the illegal shipments of 
lethal material to Libya under the direction of former CIA operatives 
Edmund Wilson and Frank Terpil. 

One of the operatives involved in the Wilson-Terpil arms trade was Brig. 
Gen. (retired) Robert C. Richardson III. He was a vice-president of Con- 
sultants International from 1973-7 7, 170 a front company used in the Libyan 
operations. 171 A senior officer in U.S. Air Force Politico-Military Affairs 
(covert operations), he is an associate of Roger Pearson (see Pearson section) 
and retired Lt. Daniel O. Graham's High Frontier, a group which lobbies for 
a form of Star Wars and is also a member group of the Coalition for Peace 
Through Strength. 

Another covert operator on the strategy board was the late Brig. Gen. 
Edwin F. Black. Formerly on Eisenhower's Operations Coordinating Board, 
which implemented National Security Council policies and supervised the 
CIA, 172 Black was a principal of the Nugan Hand Bank of Australia. 173 The 
Australian government found that the bank was involved in drug and gun 
trafficking 174 and that it aided the Wilson-Terpil operations. 175 

The government also noted the bank's employment of "so many former 
high ranking U.S. and Armed Services personnel and other people widely 
known to have had a previous formal connection with the U.S. intelligence 
community." 176 Although the government did not find Nugan Hand to be a 
sanctioned covert cover for CIA activities, it remarked that "there are a 
number of matters that give rise to serious disquiet," including "the relation- 
ships that some of the Nugan Hand group . . . had with persons of U.S. 
intelligence background." 177 Black and Richardson also serve on the ASC 
National Strategy Committee. 178 


The ASC's close relationship to the executive branch continued after the 
1984 elections. A "Salute to Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick" dinner 
was arranged by the ASC in 1985, with a host committee studded with 
administration officials. 179 Having solidified its relationship with the Reagan 
Administration, ASC targeted Congress to receive more attention. 




ISSN 0003 1011 

The Nuclear Weapons Freeze Movement 

Amend is a land where things 
novel, bizarre, and even radical, cm 
grip large segments of the population 
almoii overnight Sometimes lh«e 
phenomena icem 10 ante spontaneoui- 
ly in the natural course of human 
evenis; in other cases, as with Public's 
cube, they are the result of someone's 
shrewd and calculated effort. 

Few trends or Tads have seemingly 
burn upon the nation more 
spontaneously or spread more rapidly 
than the so-called nuclear "freeie" 
movement The media have touted the 
movement, hailed us "grass-roots" 
nature, and described it as sweeping like 
a prairie fire. Irom resolutions in New 
England town meeting* to an agenda 
item neat fall on the California state 
referenda Rut ihc timing of ihu 
phenomenon was not accidental. It is 
evident from ihe literature of the 
organizations concerned lhat the freeze 
calf wu designed to reach ■ crescendo 
just as the United Nations Special 
Session on Disarmament take* place. 
June to July of this year Moreover, 
behind the seeming spontaneity there a 
a complei hierarchy of professional , 
organizers, following a carefully 
designed strategy 

It is no coincidence that thit strategy 
serves to implement the aims of the 
Soviet Union It is clearly an integral 
pan of the massive campaign to disarm 
the West which the Soviets have 
conducted over the past rive years. Thu 
erf on has been very effective so far, 
resulting in the cancelling of plans to 
develop the so-called neutron bomb in 
1978 by President Carter, and more 
recently in making n politically 
impossible to deploy Pershing II and 

cruise missiles in Holland and Belgium 
when these weapons become available. 

There is no oven data, as such, on 
ihe sums being spent by the Soviet 
Union to promote the U S freere 
campaigns, and in fact much of ihe 
funding for ihese initiatives comes from 

American foundations and from the 
donations of ihouiands of wcll- 
■ntenlioned but exploited Americans. 
Bui in any case. Soviet propaganda has 
made a critical contribution 10 ihe 
overall atmosphere of ihe freeie 
campaign, by cteatinga climatrof fear 
The movement is rapidly becoming 
a divisive political force Senators Ted 
Kennedy and Mark Hatfield have 
embraced the concept as their own by 
co-sponsoring a freeze-now. equalize- 
Ihrough-negoiiations-later resolution 
in Ihe Senate Bantam books has 
cooperated with the Senators by 
rushing into print in » near-record Six 
days a paperback entitled Frttzt. 
ostensibly written bv Kennedy and 

In response. Senators Jackson and 
Warner have sponsored Senate Joint 
Resolution 177. which calls for"a long- 
term, mutual and verifiable nuclear 
lorces freere at equal and sharply 
reduced levtls of fottes "" The operative 
word m this initiative is "equal." 
reflecting the view that pantv does not 
now etiM The Krnnedy-Hatlield 
resolution mustered only twenty co- 
sponsors, compared nth rihv-cight for 
the Jai kbon-Wamer resolution 

On the niher hand. President 
Reagan has opposed a free/c. as such, at 
this time, which would "legitimize a 
condition of great advantage 10 the 
Soviets " Recently, he challenged the 
USSR by proposing a cut of one-ihird 
in the strategic nuclear weapons of both 
side* Ina second phase, he suggested, 
missile throw. weights would be reduced 
to equal and veritable levels 

The Soviet response to Reagan's 
proposal came in I eomd Breihnev's 

The American Security Council and Its Coalition for Peace Through 
Strength circulate a large volume of promilltary informational materials. 


"Our increasing emphasis is going to be on Congress," said Fisher. 180 He 
was mindful of the congressional resistance that still existed on a variety of 
foreign and military policy issues. The two ASC vehicles for influencing 
Congress were the U.S. Congressional Advisory Board (USCAB), a part of 
the ASC Foundation, and the Congressional Division of the Coalition for 
Peace Through Strength. 

USCAB has given citizens the opportunity to become "advisors" to 
Congress by paying money to the ASC, although an occasional postage 
stamp would be cheaper and perhaps just as effective. Members of USCAB 
were also invited to ASC fundraisers called "annual meetings" of USCAB. 
The meeting held in July 1986 cost $150 a head to attend. 

Administration officials aided these fundraisers by providing speakers 
and even the White House for events. Caspar Weinberger has addressed the 
1 985 181 and 1986 meetings; SDI director Lt. Gen. James Abrahamson and 
George Keyworth, former Science Advisor to the President, have also 
addressed USCAB. 182 In December of 1985 a "Post Geneva Summit Brief- 
ing" was sponsored by USCAB that featured speeches from Lt. Col. Oliver 
North, John Lenczowski, director of European and Soviet Affairs for the 
National Security Council, and William Martin, executive secretary of the 
NSC. 18 ' 

The Congressional Division of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength 
has been the ASC's fig leaf of bipartisanship. With 252 congressmen and 
senators as members in 1986, the ASC claimed their Congressional Division 
to be the largest caucus in Congress. Nearly forty percent were Democrats, 
according to the ASC. As Division members, elected representatives were 
expected to support a "Peace Through Strength Resolution" and maintain a 
seventy percent positive rating on the ASC index of key congressional 
votes. This entitled congressional representatives to certain rewards. The 
main reward was financial. 

The ASC has a Political Action Committee that doles out money — if 
you are a member of the Coalition's Congressional Division. In 1985, 
Common Cause Magazine reported that conservative Republican Senator 
John Warner of Virginia was denied a campaign donation unless he joined. 
Warner, who says he refuses donations with strings attached, said no. He 
also told the magazine that he belie ved they wanted his name for fundraising 
purposes. "I was not about to become part of their fundraising operations," 
Wamer was quoted as saying. 184 

ASC-PAC donations are a small part of the money available to 
influence Congress. While ASC reported that in 1982 its PAC distributed 
$82,000 to Congressional candidates, Fisher's annual ASC report noted that 
the Council also "played a senior role in the raising of over $2 million" in the 
campaign. 185 In 1984 ASC-PAC spent $225,000 while raising another 

the American Security council 5 3 

$4.5 million in campaign money, 186 possibly from defense contractors. 

Select congressmen receive other benefits. Florida Democratic Congress- 
man Bill Chappell, chair of the Defense Appropriation Subcommittee and a 
cochair of the Congressional Division of the ASC, says that in 1984 the 
ASC was responsible for the "most successful Washington fundraiser ever 
held during my eighteen years in Congress." 18 ' In 1987, he praised the ASC 
by writing "I am pleased and honored that you will once again be coordinat- 
ing my Steering Committee efforts." 188 

Another direct means of rewarding congressional favorites is by paying 
honoraria to members of Congress who participate in ASC activities. Con- 
gressman Bill Dickinson of Alabama, the ranking Republican on the House 
Armed Services Committee and an endorser of the anti-Semitic and quasi- 
Nazi Liberty Lobby, 189 received $7,000 in honoraria from the ASC in 1984' 90 
and $6,500 in 1985. 191 One $2,000 payment came specifically for aiding the 
In Defense of America fundraising project. 192 ASC raised $500,000 from 
defense contractors over three years.' 9 ' The project funds were used to pro- 
duce films and organize political activity on behalf of increased military 
spending and aid to the contras, and to bolster the 1984 re-election efforts of 
Ronald Reagan. 

The ASC regularly organizes meetings between defense contractors and 
key members of Congress. For instance, in the summer of 1987, then 
Senator Dan Quayle, a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, 
addressed such a meeting to "discuss the vital importance of the Strategic 
Defense Initiative," according to the ASC newsletter National Security 
Report. The newsletter reported Quayle told the meeting that "the Soviets 
have outspent the United States on strategic defense during the past decade 
by a margin of fifteen to one." 194 

After the July 1986 USCAB annual meeting, as is the yearly practice, the 
ASC gave awards to members of Congress who were members in good 
standing. With martial music blasting out of the Cannon Office Building 
Caucus Room, representatives and senators queued up to receive bald eagle 
statues with their names engraved on brass plates. 

The ASC also attempts to punish its opposition. It ran a full-page ad in 
the St. Louis Globe Democrat, 19 '' a newspaper long associated with the 
ASC, 196 demanding that Congressman Richard Gephart support contra 

The ASC's biased voter index is sent to a targeted congressperson's 
hometown press pointing out the low ratings, hoping to elicit negative 
stories and editorials. The Wall Street journal and newspapers from around 
the country use the ASC index as if it comes from a responsible, nonpartisan 
organization. 197 The votes upon which ratings are made require the most 
hard-line positions in order to gain ASC approval. 

54 Old Nazis, ti ie new ric-ht, and the republican party 

Congressmen Bill Chappell and Sam Stratton and Senators Dennis 
DeConcini, the late Ed Zorinsky, and Bennett Johnson were the Democrats 
most often associated with ASC political and fundraising activities in recent 
years. [Zorinsky switched to the Republican Party shortly before his death.] 
Often their presence is highlighted to suggest what is termed the bipartisan 
character of the event or the bipartisan character of the Coalition. In effect, 
however, the ASC acts as if it were a GOP operation. 

All of the partisan groups in the Coalition for Peace Through Strength 
are Republican, including fifteen units of the GOP itself. The "Private 
Sector Co-Chairmen," as distinct from the Congressional Division of the 
Coalition for Peace Through Strength, are Republican. The so-called 
private sector in the Coalition refers to the 171 groups that are supposed to 
be the "grassroots" complement which interacts with the Congressional 
Division. Among the 171 are the Nazi-linked groups previously described. 

The ASC Political Action Committee also reflects a GOP bias. Eighty 
percent of the $138,560 disbursed between February, 1985 and June, 1986 
went to Republicans, with Steve Symms the big winner with $6,738. 198 
Reps. Guy Molinari and Jack Kemp followed with $5,250 and $5,000 

In presidential elections, the ASC can be counted on to support the 
Republican candidate. Among the first to use heavy negative advertising as 
a partisan tool, ASC campaign material continues to exaggerate and mis- 
represent the views of Democratic opponents in order to defeat them. 
Campaign crisis-mongering statements by Singlaub and Graham, used by 
the ASC in the 1980 elections, have become a Council trademark. As early 
as 1970, the ASC campaign warned "the 1970 elections may be [your] last 
chance to vote for Peace Through Strength." 199 

Admiral La Rocque noted that "They have always used the rhetoric of 
fear and panic to make their case." He cited a 1980 ASC appeal: "No 
generation of Americans has ever before been so recklessly placed at the 
mercy of so pitiless and powerful an enemy . . . our nation stands paralyzed 
in blind obedience ... so utterly unprepared is America . . . the crisis is 
approaching the point of no return. . . ." 20 ° 

In 1984 the ASC mailed a list of Russian-English language translations of 
words and phrases it would be necessary for Americans to leam if Mondale 
won. Fisher says it was "one of the politest" ways of saying what they thought 
would happen if Reagan lost in 1984. 201 

One of the sources of ASC funding is the Communication Corporation 
of America and its subsidiaries, Preferred Lists and Direct Marketing, all 
owned by Fisher and his family. 202 CCA is a direct mail firm that employs 
250 people on three shifts. Located on the ASC's 850-acre Virginia estate, 
CCA does work for private businesses, New Rightists such as Tim LaHaye, 


and for eleven years has had a contract with the Republican National 
Committee. "If we didn't have the CCA, the ASC would have gone out of 
business on three occasions," says Fisher. 20 ' The firm also works for GOP 
campaigns and local GOP units. 

It is easy to see the partisan and pecuniary motives of the ASC, its 
corporate friends and Republican allies. But the ASC also represents a world 
view with the influence to spread that world view. Fisher himself summed it 
up in four words — "1 believe in Rollback." 20 '' The ASC network, including 
its Nazi friends, has not given up the idea of the U.S. military destruction of 
the USSR. The purpose of the massive weapons buildups they advocate is 
toward that end. 

Jay Winek, a former executive director of the neoconservative Coalition 
for a Democratic Majority, said that the ASC "uses the word 'peace' to 
justify strength. They really don't see peace as the purpose of strength." 205 

Forge together elements from the New Right, the Republican Party, 
certain hawkish congressional Democrats, military and intelligence agency 
connections, and powerful business interests, and you have the essence of 
the ASC, a lobby for weapons and war. 

Toward its goal the ASC has also pulled into its coalition racialists, 
American sympathizers of Hitler's war aims, representatives of postwar 
Italian fascism, and even collaborators with Hitler's Waffen SS. 

The guiding principle of the ASC throughout the cold war was to 
cultivate as an ally anyone who supported the military destruction of the 
Soviet Union as the font of communism. Since this was also a primary goal 
of German National Socialism and other European fascist movements it 
should not be surprising that adherents of these philosophies, which revere 
militarism, power, and the cleansing crucible of war, would find allies within 
the American Security Council. Nor is it surprising that the ASC received 
both moral and financial support from the same corporations who had a 
financial stake in large budgets for military armaments. In the politics of 
militarism, the bedfellows are not really very strange. 

For over thirty years the ASC has successfully focused public discussion of 
foreign policy on aggressive militarist options, and it continues this mission 
unabated. In early 1991, the American Security Council coordinated the 
formation of the Coalition for Desert Storm, "a bi-partisan alliance orga- 
nized by the National Security Caucus in the U.S. Congress." In a full-page 
ad in the February 27, 1991 Washington Post, the Coalition announced it 
was launching a campaign to garner one million signatures for the proclama- 
tion from Americans across the nation. The coupon for signers and con- 
tributors was to be mailed to the ASC's John M. Fisher, "Administrative 
Chairman" of the Coalition. 

Some thirty years ago President Eisenhower warned of the "unwarranted 

56 oi.n Nazis, the new right, and the republican party 

influence" of the "military-industrial complex" in the councils of govern- 
ment. The Bush Administration's quick reliance on the military option in 
the Gulf war reflects, at least in part, the groundwork laid by the ASC and its 
allies, and suggests Eisenhower's nightmare has become a reality. 



Allies and 

** Perhaps what is most wrong with the World 
Anti-Communist League is what it hides behind 
and what it has rejected. In the name of anti-communism, 
it has embraced those responsible for death squads, apartheid, 
torture, and the extermination of European Jewry. 
Along the way, it has repudiated democratic government 
as a viable alternative , either to govern 
or to combat communism." 

Scott Anderson &. Jon Lee Anderson 
Inside the League 




When journalists first saw the White House fundraising letter dated April 
14, 1982, written for Roger Pearson and signed by Ronald Reagan, it 
was thought to be a fluke. Since Pearson, a former leader of the World Anti- 
Communist League, was a world-renowned racialist with a long history of 
associations with neo-Nazi groups and individuals, a White House repudia- 
tion of the letter was expected when the problem was discovered. After all, 
it was the summer of 1984, and who would want Reagan connected in any 
way with an advocate of racial extermination policies before the November 

The Wall Street Journal, however, pursued the story and found out that 
the White House itself was unwilling to repudiate the letter, or Pearson. 206 
White House staff did say Pearson would be asked to stop using the letter. 

Anson Franklin, an assistant presidential press secretary, added "the 
president has long held views opposing racial discrimination in any form, 
and he would never condone anything to the contrary. But that's a general 
statement; I'm not addressing Dr. Pearson specifically." 

When Roger Pearson first visited the U.S. in 1 958, he didn't seem a likely 
candidate to receive White House favors. At the time he was the London- 
based organizer of the Northern League, 207 a white supremacist European 
organization that included former Nazi SS officials. The League was inclined 
toward Nordic, pre-Christian pagan culture. 208 

Pearson's first American visit was arranged by Right magazine, edited by 
Willis Carta The magazine was an endorser of the American Nazi Party. 209 
Right called Pearson "the world's foremost spokesman for the scientific 
and forward looking view of nationalism. He is held in renown by white 
nationalists the world over." 210 

Pearson moved to the U.S. in 1965, merging his magazine Northern World 
with a Willis Carto publication to form Western Destiny, which Pearson 
edited for a short time. 2 " The magazine had over two dozen racialists and 
anti-Semites on its masthead, including Austin App and C. M. Goethe, 
honorary president of the American Coalition of Patriotic Societies. 212 
Pearson published four monographs in 1966 that represent the core of his 
ideas. One monograph, titled Race and Civilization, was "based on Professor 
Hans F. K. Gunther's Racial Elements of European Civilization." 213 Gunther 
was a top Third Reich racial theoretician and Pearson associate from the 
Northern League. 2 14 

In Eugenics and Race, published in 1966, Pearson's writing reached the 
logical end of racial hatred: 

60 old Nazis, the new right, and the republican party 

If a nation with a more advanced, more specialized, or in any 
way superior set of genes mingles with, instead of exterminating, 
an inferior tribe, then it commits racial suicide. . . . w 

Pearson's monographs are still offered by neo-Nazi booksellers today. 216 
The Wall Street Journal quoted Pearson as saying "I'm not ashamed of any- 
thing I've said or written." 217 

Pearson moved to Washington in 1975. Within a year his Council on 
American Affairs was sponsoring seminars and publishing monographs 
with persons such as Edwin Fuelner, president of the Heritage Foundation; 
Ray Cline, former C.I. A. deputy director; and others who would later 
become high officials of the Reagan Administration. 218 His Council also 
became the U.S. chapter of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), 
an international network including fascists, followers of the authoritarian 
Korean cult-leader Rev. Sun Myung Moon, and neo-Nazis. 219 

Pearson became the editor of the American Security Council's journal of 
International Relations 220 and served on the board of the ASC's American 
Foreign Policy Institute. 221 His journal co-editors were James Jesus Angleton, 
former C.I. A. deputy director for counterintelligence, and Robert C. 
Richardson III, the retired Air Force general who worked in the Air Force's 
Politico-Military covert operations branch. At the time he was working 
with the ASC and Pearson, Richardson was also aiding the Wilson-Terpil 
operations to Libya, involving secret gunrunning and explosives transfers. 
He was also active in various ASC-spawned groups, such as the Security and 
Intelligence Fund and Coalition for Peace through Strength. The Council 
on American Affairs is also a member of the Coalition for Peace Through 

Pearson was a member of the editorial board of Policy Review, the 
monthly Heritage Foundation magazine, during this period. In 1977, Heri- 
tage officials reciprocated, joining Pearson's journal of Social and Economic 
Studies. When Pearson decided to host the 1978 World Anti-Communist 
League (WACL) conference in Washington, D.C, he was well established 
with American and European Nazi networks, as well as the far right of the 
Republican Party and the New Right. The WACL meeting was not a total 
success for Pearson, however. The Washington Post warned of "The Fascist 
Specter" behind WACL and highlighted the conference participation of an 
Italian fascist party, American neo-Nazis, and Pearson's own racialist back- 
ground. 222 Pearson's name soon disappeared from the Policy Review mast- 
head. However, ASC president John Fisher, who addressed the WACL 
meeting, 223 did not drop Pearson from the American Foreign Policy Institute 

In a sense, the Pearson-Heritage link wasn't severed either. Heritage's 




April 14, 1982 

Dear Dr. Pearson: 

Thank you for the recent issue of your 
quarterly, The Journal of Social, Political 
and^ Eco nomic Studies. 

You are performing a valuable service in 
bringing to a wide audience the work of lead- 
ing scholars who are supportive of a free 
enterprise economy, a firm and consistent 
foreign policy and a strong national defense. 

Your substantial contributions to promoting 
and upholding those ideals and principles that 
we value at home and abroad are greatly appre- 

1 hope that your efforts continue to receive 
broad interest and support and wish you every 
success in your future endeavors. 

Dr. Roger Pearson, President 

Council for Social and Economic Studies 

Suite 502 

1629 K Street, N.W. 
Washington, D.C. 20006 

The Ronald Reagan letter to Dr. Roger Pearson was never repudiated by 
the White House. 



director for domestic issues, Stuart Butler, joined Pearson's Journal, as did 
right-wing sociologist Ernest van den Haag of National Review, who is on the 
editorial board of the Heritage Foundation's Policy Review. 

When van den Haag was asked in 1984 about his Pearson association, he 
said he didn't remember the journal at first, but several minutes later insisted 
it wasn't a racist publication. 

Van den Haag is apparently not offended by a little racialism himself. 
"I support the voluntary sterilization proposals of William Shockley," he 
volunteered in a 1984 interview. Van den Haag wrote a monograph on the 
1954 Supreme Court desegregation decision which argued that the decision 
was wrong. He has also claimed that Blacks are inferior to whites: "I am all in 
favor of improving the quality of education for all. But this can be done 
only if pupils are separated according to ability (whatever determines it). 
And this means very largely according to race." 224 Van den Haag's writings 
have been distributed for years by the International Association for the 
Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics (IAAEE), a racialist organization 
on whose executive board van den Haag served. 225 

Journal associate Stuart Butler simply insisted that Pearson was not a 
racist. Donald Senese, also associated with Pearson's Journal and a former 
Department of Education official, insisted that Pearson wasn't a racist, and 
that his monographs were written long ago. When he was told that Pearson 
continues to defend his writings, he said that "this interview isn't going 
anywhere," and hung up the phone. Pearson continues to publish a racialist 
journal, Mankind Quarterly, which uses body and head measurements, such 
as the cephalic index, to identify "ideal types" among races. He also pub- 
lishes the Journal of Indo-European Studies through his Institute for the Study 
of Man. In 1990, Pearson launched a new publication, Conservative Review. 
The magazine's articles often espouse racialist theories. Conservative Review 
received a boost when the failing Conservative Digest (with Senior Editor 
Paul Weyrich) endorsed the magazine as "very thoughtful" and "an excel- 
lent journal." Pearson maintained contact with European racialists not only 
through WACL, but also as a board member of Nouvelle Ecole, a French 
highbrow neo-Nazi group. 226 

After the Wall Street Journal story, Pearson's Journal of Social, Political and 
Economic Studies, which is copublished by George Mason University, added 
two officials of former Interior Secretary and New Right activist James 
Watt's Mountain States Legal Foundation. 227 Pearson was elected to head 
University Professors for Academic Order (UPAO), a group that includes 
many members of the Heritage Foundation, the Reagan Administration, 
and the Mont Pelerin Society. 228 The latter is a group of about 500 ultracon- 
servatives whose best known economists, Milton Friedman and Friedrich 
von Hayek, were architects of the economy of Pinochet's Chile. Both 


advocated a form of dictatorship as part of the economic plan. Heritage 
Foundation president Edwin Fuelner is treasurer of the Society. Another 
board member of UP AO, white supremacist Ralph Scott, a former vice- 
president of DANK, 229 the Nazi-apologists, recently became head of UPAO. 
Scott, who has praised the book Dispossessed Majority, 110 a white-supremacist 
discourse, was named to the Iowa Civil Rights Advisory Commission in 
1981 by the Reagan Administration. Scott later become chair of the Iowa 
group, which advises the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, but stepped down 
in 1988 after an article by Barry Mehler in The Nation revealed his back- 
ground. 2 " Scott and Pearson have also received tens of thousands of dollars 
from the Pioneer Fund, 232 which assists researchers attempting to prove 
Black inferiority. 2 " Pearson's Council for Social and Economic Study dis- 
tributes Scott's book, Education and Ethnicity: The U.S. Experiment in School 

One well-connected Pearson associate is Sam Crutchfield, who has been 
the attorney for the racialist IAAEE, for a number of Jesse Helms' organi- 
zations, and for Pearson's Institute for the Study of Man. 234 In addition to 
serving on the Editorial Advisory Board of a Pearson publication, 
Crutchfield, an attorney, set up the Institute for Democracy, Education and 
Assistance (IDEA) on behalf of Oliver North and his courier, Robert 
Owen. 235 

Pearson has friends at the American Security Council, the Heritage 
Foundation, and among Reagan appointees, as well as several aides to Jesse 
Helms. 236 He is connected to a network of academic racialists in the U.S. 
and abroad. Long-established ties to Saudi Arabia, Korea, Taiwan, and 
South America from his WACL days continue to serve him well. When the 
WaM Street Journal article came out five weeks before the election, the White 
House decided to stick with Pearson. He was apparently still seen as part of 
the Reagan team. 

Senator Alfonse D'Amato wrote a plank into the proposed 1984 GOP 
platform denouncing "those who preach all forms of hatred, bigotry, racism, 
and anti-Semitism." 237 A statement from his office added, "there should 
never be room for compromise on issues like this .... Racism and anti- 
Semitism must be condemned outright — without hesitation." 238 D'Amato 
declined all comment on the Pearson- White House ties. 

When George Bush denounced Walter Mondale a week before the 1984 
election as soft on anti-Semitism, no one looked at Reagan's ties to Roger 
Pearson, one of the foremost Nazi apologists in America and clearly one of 
the best-connected racialists in the world. 

64 Old Nazis, ti ic new Rioi it, and the republican party 


The American Security Council not only has ties to the aggressively 
promilitary network warned of by Senator Fulbright, but ASC is also one 
of the key U.S. links to the World Anti-Communist League (WACL). The 
League, described extensively in a 1986 book, Inside The League, is an um- 
brella group for Latin American death squad leaders, Hitler collaborators, 
followers of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon, rightist dictatorships, and anti- 
Semitic activists, some of whom are connected to the quasi-Nazi Liberty 
Lobby. 239 As early as 1978 The Washington Post described the fascist and neo- 
Nazi elements affiliated with WACL. The Post article carried the headline: 
"The Fascist Specter behind the World Anti-Red League." 240 In 1984 the 
unsavory elements of WACL were detailed in a series of columns by Jack 
Anderson. 241 Alternative publications since 1978 have carried articles about 
the fascist and Nazi undercurrents in WACL. 242 

Despite this journalistic record, when the World Anti-Communist 
League was named in the "Iran Contragate" congressional hearings into the 
contra supply networks of Oliver North, not one major news outlet reported 
the fascist constituencies within WACL or the leading role played in 
WACL by followers of Sun Myung Moon. 

Moon, of course, is no friend of democracy. He is a theocratic authori- 
tarian who considers himself the Son of God and the new Messiah. Moon 
and his many front organizations have long been used by the Korean CIA as 
a lobbying and propaganda vehicle to advance the twin goals of maintaining 
high levels of U.S. military and economic aid, despite successive repressive 
regimes in South Korea and the continued presence of U.S. armed f orces in 
South Korea. Moon's organizations have supported WACL financially and 
have helped solidify cooperation between WACL and members of the 
American political right wing. 24 ' 

Since 1970 there have been three organizations that have served as the 
U.S. branch of WACL. All three are in the ASC's Coalition for Peace 
Through Strength: 

■ The American Council for World Freedom was, from 1970 to 
1975, WACL's U.S. affiliate. Composed of thirty-five U.S. 
groups, it was formed at the urging of Taiwan. Its first chairman 
was ASC's John Fisher. 244 

■ The Council on American Affairs was the second U.S. branch 
of WACL from 1975 to 1980. It was chaired by racialist Roger 
Pearson, who had strong ASC links throughout that period. 


■ The U.S. Council for World Freedom (USCWF) was formed 
in 1981 by retired Major General John Singlaub. It immediately 
became the third group to serve as the U.S. branch of WACL. 
While Singlaub was Field Education director for the ASC for 
the next three years, he cultivated USCWF and personal 
contacts abroad. 

Singlaub attended the August 1981 WACL meeting in Taiwan. 245 On 
June 25, 1982 he told the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN) [described 
in detail later in this report] meeting in Munich, Germany that it was his 
"objective to organize all anticommunist forces in the world, so as to not 
only contain this communist threat, but to bring about its final and 
unequivocal demise" [emphasis in the original], according to a paraphrased 
remark in an ABN periodical. 2 ' 16 In 1984, Singlaub assumed the role of 
Chairman of the World Anti-Communist League. 

Although Singlaub began devoting his time to WACL, he kept the ASC 
briefed on his activities. Fisher served on the USCWF advisory board and 
Singlaub served on three ASC boards. The ASC is also one of seventeen 
member organizations of the Coalition for World Freedom, the political 
action arm of the U.S. Council for World Freedom. At the 1984 WACL 
conference the ASC was also represented by Sam Dickens, who sat on a 
contra aid panel. Another panel, concerned with aiding UNITA in Angola, 
reached the conclusion it was advisable to consult with Fisher on the best 
way to proceed with pressuring Gulf/Chevron Oil out of Angola. Other 
ASC leaders also participated in the WACL meeting. 

WACL was considered an important vehicle for Reagan's Central 
America policy. The White House sent warm greetings to the 1984 meeting 
in San Diego. 247 A U.S. military honor guard was also provided, as had been 
the case with other USCWF events in previous years. The White House 
sent R. Lynn Rylander, Deputy Director of the International Security 
Agency in the Pentagon, who kept the White House briefed on events as 
the meeting progressed. 248 His boss, Neal Koch, served as the Pentagon's 
representative on a panel coordinating assistance to the contras, in concert 
with Oliver North. 

At the 1984 WACL meeting, Singlaub announced the launching of the 
private aid campaign for the contras. WACL, he declared, was going to lead 
efforts around the world on behalf of the contra cause. 

Singlaub planned to approach the Taiwan and South Korean dictator- 
ships for contra aid. The New York Times reported that Singlaub told Con- 
gress that Assistant Secretary of State Abrams had "told him not to make 
the request, explaining that it would be made instead at the highest level, 
which Singlaub said he believed meant the White House." Holly Sklar, in 


her book Washington's War on Nicaragua, cites testimony from the Iran- 
contra hearings and concludes that Singlaub did approach both Taiwan and 
South Korea for contra aid and then passed those contacts on to Oliver 
North. 249 Both Taiwan and South Korea have historically assumed leader- 
ship roles and provided substantial funds for WACL, as has the Saudi 
Arabian monarchy. 

The Canadian branch of WACL, the Canadian Freedom Foundation, 
headed by John Gamble, works closely with the U.S. Council for World 
Freedom (USCWF) and Singlaub. Together USCWF and the Canadian 
Freedom Foundation form the North American Regional unit of WACL 
(NARWACL). Gamble and Singlaub alternate as chair of NARWACL. 
Gamble was implicated in the Iran-contra funding network when a firm for 
which he served as treasurer and director, Vertex Investments, was discov- 
ered to have invested in the arms sale to Iran through two of his partners. 
The Canadian Freedom Foundation (CFF) and Vertex both operate out of 
Gamble's law office. 250 

At least two CFF leaders are active anti-Semites: Pat Walsh is the 
Canadian correspondent for the quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby newspaper the 
Spotlight™ and Paul Fromm helped found the neo-Nazi Western Guard. 252 

The Western Guard is led by John Ross Taylor, who served fifty-one 
months in detention for pro-Nazi activities during World War II. 253 Taylor 
also leads Canadian contingents to Aryan Nations meetings, including a 
commemoration of the deaths of members of The Order, a paramilitary 
offshoot of Aryan Nations that engaged in robberies and murder in its effort 
to overthrow the U.S. Government. 254 

Shortly after the 1984 WACL conference, the National Security Coun- 
cil recommended that Reagan approve a plan that made Singlaub "the chief 
'authorized' contact for private fund raising," according to the Associated 
Press. His selection, due to "his military background and international 
connections," was verbally approved by President Reagan. 255 


In 1983, the White House proved that a Nazi whose organization col- 
laborated with SS units and mass murder, and who helped maintain a 
Nazi organization for four decades, can still be an honored guest of the 
President. 256 

Yaroslav Stetsko was the source of that lesson. Stetsko, who died in July 
1986, worked with intelligence agencies of Nazi Germany, and briefly 
established himself as a pro-Nazi premier of the Ukraine under German 
military occupation. 257 




August 31. 1984 

It la an honor to sand warm greetings to all those 
gathered for the 17th Annual Conference of the World 
And-Communlst League In San Diego. 

The plague of Marxist-Leninist dictatorship, which haa 
caused so much human suffering, la now in the first 
phase of decline. Aa the communist world falls further 
behind economically, the Western world la moving Into s 
new technological age. The stark contrast between the 
progreaa of the West and the atsgnstlon of communism Is 
too great to be hidden by propaganda or disinformation. 

But the struggle between freedom and communism la. in 
lta eesence, not an economic conflict but a spiritual one. 
It Is s struggle in which those who love Cod. country, 
family and freedom are pitted against thoae poaaeaaed by 
ideological zeal who seek absolute power. The question 
we face la whether the moral strength of thou ready to 
make sacrifices for their faith and principles is s grester 
force than the corruption of human energies that sustains 
the communists. We in America believe it is, and the 
signs of resurgent moral strength among freedom loving 
peoples are all around ua. 

We are beginning to see evidence of s growing resistance 
to coaaauniat oppression within the Soviet bloc Itself. 
There are eight active and -communist resistance move- 
ments in every corner of the globe. All free people 
should stand in unity with thoae who risk their Uvee 
in defense of liberty. 

The World Anti-Communist League has long played a lead- 
ership role In drawing- attention to the gallant struggle 
now being wsged by the true freedom fighters of our dsy. 
Nancy and I send you our best wishes ( for every future 

The Ronald Reagan letter to the 1984 World Anti-Communist League 


The Ukraine, now a Republic of the Soviet Union, is an Eastern Euro- 
pean region of lush farmland that has a long history of nationalist fervor. 
During the rise of European fascism after World War I, some Ukrainian 
nationalist groups tied their hopes to fascism as an ideology, and then 
collaborated with Hitler and nazism in World War II. 

One Ukrainian nationalist group was the Organization of Ukrainian 
Nationalists (OUN) which split into two organizations: a less militant wing, 
led by Andrew Melnyk and known as OUN-M, and the extremist group 
of Stepan Bandera, known as OUN-B. The Nazis preferred the radical 
nationalist OUN-B. 258 During the German military occupation, the Ukraine 
witnessed terrible atrocities against Jews and other groups targeted by 
Nazi policies. The OUN-B organized military units that participated in 
these atrocities. With the collapse of the Third Reich, many Ukrainian 
collaborationists fled their homeland. 

After the war, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera 
(OUN-B), a clandestine group financed in part by German intelligence 
and led by Stetsko, accelerated its work in the West. A secretive group, 
OUN-B's tracks are difficult to follow. "You have to understand. We are an 
underground organization. We have spent years quietly penetrating 
positions of influence," explained an OUN-B member who insisted on 
anonymity. The positions of influence under discussion were Reagan 
Administration appointments. All of the OUN-B's key Administration 
contacts were through an organization called the Ukrainian Congress 
Committee of America (UCCA), headquartered in New York City. 

The UCCA is described as heavily influenced but not totally controlled 
by the OUN-B. Supposedly an umbrella organization of Ukrainian- 
American groups, there are groups within UCCA that are complete OUN-B 
fronts." 9 

The White House had looked favorably on the Ukrainian Congress 
Committee of America, appointing its chairman, Lev Dobriansky, ambas- 
sador to the Bahamas in 1983. Dobriansky is a longtime ASC official. His 
daughter Paula was put on the National Security Council. George 
Nesterczuk, former director of the Ukrainian National Information Service 
(UNIS), which is the Washington, D.C affiliate of the UCCA, was 
appointed deputy director of the Office of Personnel Management. In 1 984 
he became Deputy Director of the U.S. Information Agency. 260 

In 1984, Bohdan Futey, head of the Cleveland branch of the UCCA 
and a Republican Heritage Groups Council activist, was appointed head 
of the U.S. Foreign Claims Commission. 261 Futey and Nesterczuk are de- 
scribed as the contact points between the OUN-B and the White House. 262 
The top OUN-B leader for external affairs in the United States is Bohdan 
Fedorak, who also chairs the Southeast Michigan UCCA branch. He main- 


tains contacts with Futey and Nesterczuk. It was through this network 
that arrangements were made for Reagan to make a campaign stop in 
October 1984 at the Ukrainian Cultural Center in the Detroit suburb of 
Warren, Michigan. 26 ' The Center is headed by Fedorak, who has been a 
delegate to WACL conferences for many years as a lieutenant of the 
Stetskos. 264 

In 1985 the UCCA's Committee on Foreign Affairs, chaired by Fedorak, 
continued pressing Congress against the Office of Special Investigations, 
the Justice Department unit charged with bringing action against suspected 
Nazi war criminals and collaborators in the United States. Futey and 
Nesterczuk are also members of that committee. 265 Such agitation on behalf 
of suspected war criminals and mass murderers did not deter the State 
Department's Committee for Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) 
from working with the National Captive Nations Committee, cosponsoring 
a series of hearings on human rights problems in the Soviet Union in June 
1986. 266 

The Captive Nations Committee is essentially an OUN-B front that 
operates out of the UNIS office in Washington, D.C. It has local affiliates 
around the country (Fedorak chairs the Detroit committee), but the UNIS 
office told an interviewer that the National Captive Nations Committee 
had been inactive. Committee literature available in the office was at least 
four years old. No current board of directors was available. A UNIS 
employee considered it a paper organization. The hearings held jointly by 
the State Department and Captive Nations in Detroit were hosted by 
Fedorak at his Ukrainian Cultural Center. 267 

The UCCA is also a member of ASC's Coalition for Peace Through 
Strength. Like so many elements of the Coalition and the American Secu- 
rity Council, it is networked into the World Anti-Communist League 
(WACL). The masthead of the UCCA's Ukrainian Quarterly lists several 
representatives from Taiwan and Korea, both major funders of WACL. 268 

Wherever the OUN-B has political involvement, the UCCA seems to be 
its representative. In the U.S. Council for World Freedom, chaired by 
Singlaub, the OUN-B is represented by Secretary-General Walter 
Chopiwskyj (who has also organized the Republican Heritage Groups 
Council in Arizona and is president of the national Captive Nations 
Committee). 269 The only public indication of the OUN-B presence in the 
UCCA is in the U.S. Council for World Freedom's political arm, the 
Coalition for World Freedom, of which the UCCA is a member. 270 The 
Council is the U.S. branch of the World Anti-Communist League, in which 
the Stetskos play a major role. 271 

The UCCA has also played a leading role in opposing federal investiga- 
tions of suspected Nazi war criminals since those queries got underway in the 


late I970's. 272 Some UCCA members have many reasons to worry — reasons 
which began in the 1930's. 

Even before Hitler came to power, the German Nazi Party was seeking 
and working with like-minded political groups around the world. By the 
time the Nazis came to power, the OUN was one group that received 
money and training from Germany. 27 ' The OUN-B was not only an instru- 
ment to aid Hitler's war aims against the Soviet Union, but also to serve his 
intelligence agencies in the United States. 

There are Ukrainian communities within most large urban population 
centers in the United States. In the 1930's, German military intelligence 
worked with the OUN as it established and financed a variety of front 
organizations to provide cover for propaganda and espionage activities in 
the United States. In each city with a Ukrainian community, the OUN 
established cells. The great majority of Ukrainian- Americans had no idea of 
the OUN agenda. Newspapers and organizations were taken over — one 
such newspaper even printed instructions on how to make a homemade 

According to Sabotage, a 1942 book on Axis spy and sabotage operations 
in the U.S., the OUN was "set up under the supervision of the Intelligence 
Department of the German War Office." Other authors argue that the OUN 
was not controlled by German intelligence to this extent, although OUN's 
military and financial links to the Nazis are not in dispute. One U.S. Army 
captain who got involved in stealing military secrets for the OUN lost his 
commission. 274 

By far the greatest crimes of the Ukrainian nationalists were against other 
Ukrainians. The OUN-B internalized the ideology of their Nazi mentors, 
which included viewing the world in terms of racial nationalism. "Nation- 
alism is based on f eelings, which are carried by the racial blood," was the way 
one OUN-B publication explained their views on the subject. 271 In John 
Armstrong's Ukrainian Nationalism, OUN-B's views are described as having 
"tended to drive the movement still further in the direction of deification of 
the mystic concept of the nation, even to the point of racism." 276 For those 
judged not to be pure Ukrainians, this meant trouble. 

That trouble rolled in on the treads of German tanks in the Ukraine in 
June, 1 941 . Stetsko and German-commanded OUN-B militia arrived in the 
city of Lwow (Lvov) with them. 277 Stetsko declared a short-lived Ukrainian 
government, with himself as premier, pledged to fight as an ally for Hitler's 
"New Order." 

In The War Against The ]ews , Lucy Dawidowicz writes that "In Lwow, the 
Germans and Ukrainians, in house to house hunts for Jews, shot them 
randomly on the spot." 278 She noted that later "the Ukrainians staged 
massive pogroms, slaughtering thousands and carrying off other thousands of 


Jews to [the German] Einsatzgruppen headquarters." 279 A concentration 
camp was also built in Lwow. An estimated 900,000 Jews disappeared from 
the Ukraine during the German occupation. 280 Heavy persecution of Poles 
also took place in this region, mirroring the German policy in Poland. 

Militias and military units led by the OUN-B were involved with these 
crimes. 281 Although Stetsko was under an "honorary arrest" by the Germans 
because the creation of the Stetsko regime hadn't been cleared by Berlin, he 
was still active in OUN-B affairs and was even allowed to travel. 282 

Ever the Nazi ally, Stetsko was released from his arrest near the end of the 
war to help organize resistance to the Soviet offensive that was rolling back 
the German army. The headlong retreat of the Germans began after their 
defeat at Stalingrad at the end of 1942. In 1943, the Germans inspired their 
collaborators from the Ukraine, Bulgaria, Byelorussia and the Baltic coun- 
tries to form a Committee of Subjugated Nations to coordinate resistance 
activity against the Soviet army. 28 ' 

The Ukrainian Congress Committee of America chooses to ignore the 
Ukrainian collaboration with the extermination of Poles and Jews. A 1984 
article in their Ukrainian Quarterly praised Pavlo Shandruk, who was the 
Ukrainian General (under the Division's Commander-in-Chief German 
General Fritz Freytag) of the 14th Waff en SS Galician Division during the 
final days of the war. 

The Galician division was renamed the First Ukrainian Division of the 
Ukrainian National Army in April 1945 — two weeks before the German 
surrender. The Division remained under complete German military control 
during World War II. 28 '' The Veterans of the First Ukrainian Division is a 
group member of the UCCA. 285 

When the Stetskos visited the White House on July 19, 1983, Reagan 
told them that "Your struggle is our struggle. Your dream is our dream." 286 
The Stetskos' dream, however, does not represent an alteration of their 
wartime goals. Slava Stetsko, for instance, wrote a forward to a book, Captive 
Nations, which offered a glossary of definitions of political terms: 

Anti-Semitism: A smear word used by Communists against those 
who effectively oppose and expose them. 

Fascist: An anti-Communist. 

Nazi or Hitlerite: An active anti-Communist. 287 

Slava Stetsko, who is the editor of ABN and OUN-B publications, 
described the book as "objective, factual" and "highly recommended." 288 

The OUN-B "dream" includes a racial conception. Although it passes 
itself off as an anticommunist organization, its primary belief is anti-Rus- 
sian. 289 As an OUN-B member said, "The problem isn't seventy years of 

72 Old Nazis, the new right, and the republican party 

Communism, it's rhree hundred years of Russian imperialism." 290 Thus, 
Russian anticommunists are also seen as the enemy. They are not allowed 
into the ABN, Captive Nations Committee, or World Anti-Communist 
League. Captive Nations says that "the Russian character" is to blame "for 
this overwhelming Russian desire for power, for expansion, for dicta- 
torship." 291 Nicolas Nazarenko, the Cossack Republican organizer says, 
"Russian communists and anticommunists are all the same to me." 292 

The Ukrainian nationalists see a Ukrainian state under their control as 
having "ethnographic borders," as was originally proclaimed by a OUN-B 
Manifesto in December 1940. 29 ' Put more simply, the OUN-B sees Ukraini- 
ans as a separate, classifiable race that have a right, when in power, to 
exclude others from the Ukraine's borders. The realities of that formulation 
were made bloodchillingly clear to the Poles and Jews in the region when 
the OUN-B had temporary power six months after the Manifesto was issued. 


The Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN), which took its current name 
in 1946, claims direct descent from the Committee of Subjugated 
Nations, which was formed in 1943 by Hitler's allies, including the Organi- 
zation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army 

Nonetheless, while the name changed, the membership remained the 
same. The dominant leadership of the ABN came from the leadership of the 
Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera (OUN-B). The ABN 
brought together fascist forces from Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, the 
Ukraine, the Baltic states, Slovakia, and other nations. Today ABN unites 
fascist emigre organizations from Eastern and Central Europe under one 
umbrella. It serves as a common milieu in which many Coalition f or Peace 
Through Strength members associate and network. It is also the Eastern 
European branch of the World Anti-Communist League. 

A booklet published in 1960 by the ABN acknowledged its members' 
alliance with Hitler: "That many of us fought on the German side against 
Russian imperialism and Bolshevism, was in our national interest . . . the 
fact that some of us fought on the German side against Russia can be 
justified from the national, political, and moral point of view." M 

The ABN in more recent years has maintained the impression that 
they opposed the Nazis and Soviets simultaneously during World War II. 
This historically dubious impression is conveyed by the Organization 
of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) that leads ABN. But other groups 


that make up the ABN do not bother with an anti-Hitler pretense. 
Other ABN affiliates include: 


A successor organization to the Nazi-allied Tiso regime of Slovakia. 
The Congress is part of the Republican Heritage Groups Council and the 
Coalition for Peace Through Strength. 


The exiled successor group to the Hitler-allied Bulgarian Legion. A member 
of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength and part of the Republican 
Heritage Groups Council. 

Its American branch, the Lithuanian- American Council, is a member of the 
Coalition for Peace Through Strength. The head of the Detroit branch of 
the Council, Algis Barauskas, who is also a local Republican Heritage 
Groups Council activist, linked the Lithuanian Republicans to the ABN. 
He stated in a 1985 interview that the Lithuanian- American Republican 
National Federation is connected to "the Lithuanian-American Council, 
then to the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania, to the 
ABN in Germany." 


A member organization of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength, the 
federation has branches in six countries. Its U.S. branch, the American 
Latvian Association, is active in the campaign against the Justice 
Department's Office of Special Investigations, discussed in the next section. 
The book Inside the League describes the ABN Latvian affiliate as "a band of 
Latvian leaders who assisted the Nazis in exterminating the Jews of their 
Baltic homeland." 2,5 


A pro-Ustashi affiliate of the ABN. This group's leadership came from 
officials of the German-created Croatian Ustashi regime of 1941— 44, 296 
which killed an estimated 750,000 Serbians, Gypsies and Jews. The Croa- 
tian Liberation Movement, a front for the postwar clandestine Ustashi, has 
been connected to bombings, hijackings and assassinations in the I970's. 297 


The Nazi puppet government in exile. The Council is linked to both the 
Republican Heritage Groups Council and the Coalition for Peace 


Through Strength through the Council's American branch, the 
Byelorussian- American Association. 


The Romanian affiliate of ABN and the World Anti-Communist League. 
Its leader for many years, Horia Sima, was also the head of the Romanian 
Iron Guard following WWII. Sima could hardly claim to have fought the 
Nazis and Soviets simultaneously, since he was released by the Germans 
from house arrest to head a Romanian puppet govemment-in-exile. It was 
set up by the Germans in Vienna in 1944, immediately after the Romanian 
government abandoned the Axis and sued for peace with the Allies. As 
head of the government, Sima formed Romanian military units which 
fought on Germany's behalf on the Eastern Front from 1944-45. Sima's 
govemment-in-exile was disbanded nine days after Hitler's death. 298 

The head of f oreign affairs f or the Romanian organization under Sima is 
Alexander Ronnett of Chicago, a long time Iron Guard commander, and 
delegate to WACL meetings for sixteen years. His association with the Iron 
Guard goes back to at least World War II when he lived with Iron Guard 
members in a German controlled military encampment. 299 

Consistent with the goals of the World Anti-Communist League and the 
American Security Council, Ronnett has organized contra support activities 
in the Chicago area. Exposed as an Iron Guard Leader by Chicago NBC 
affiliate WMAQ-TV (see Appendix), Ronnett denounced his accusers, and 
said proudly that he had received frequent invitations to visit the White 
House due to his support for and organizing on behalf of the contras.' 00 

The ABN is the high council for the expatriate nationalist groups that 
formed the police, military, and militia units that worked with Hitler during 
World War II. Some were organized as mobile killing teams that extermi- 
nated villages and sought to murder whole ethnic, racial, and cultural 
groups. These mobile killing teams are the forerunners of the modern death 
squad. It is consistent, then, that the Latin American Anti-Communist 
Confederation (CAL) (for many years the Latin-American branch of 
WACL) has a great affinity for the ABN and its members, according to 
several ABN members. CAL historically has served as an umbrella group for 
the regional death squads.' 01 

A meetingof the youth sectionsofCAL and ABN in 1983 took place in 
Fedorak's Ukrainian Cultural Center in Warren, Michigan. The resulting 
16-point resolution bore statements that might surprise some of their con- 
servative U.S. supporters. Not only were the usual anticommunist senti- 
ments expressed, but also anticapitalist positions were taken. One point, for 
instance, called for "rejection of all materialist doctrines (author's emphasis) 


which defile the human individual by treating people as egotistical, covet- 
ous and selfish beings. . . ." 302 The resolution called for a "faith in Revolu- 
tionary, liberation nationalism. . ." and "opposition to collectivist slavery, 
against communist and capitalist alienation of human labor. . . ." ,0 ' 

These formulations mirror the classic outlines of National Socialism, 
which simultaneously fought the communist and western capitalist powers 
ideologically and militarily. The Third Way, rejecting East and West, is still 
a position taken by significant elements of the contemporary neo-Nazi 
movement. 304 

The Stetskos were not only leaders of OUN but of the multi-ethnic ABN 
as well. The July-August 1983 ABN bulletin ABN Correspondence carries 
several cover photos which show the Stetskos and other ABN leaders as 
White House guests in July 1983, personally meeting with Reagan, George 
Bush, and Jeane Kirkpatrick. 

After the Stetskos visited the White House, Yaroslav Stetsko's wife Slava 
Stetsko, who lives in Munich, West Germany, called on the ABN to support 
Reagan's re-election. She carried that message to ABN chapters during 
1984 as well. 305 The Reagan campaign cooperated with ABN, including 
scheduling an appearance by Michael Sotirhos, head of Ethnic Voters for 
Reagan-Bush Campaign 1984 as well as the Republican Heritage Groups 
Council, at the 1984 ABN conference in New York City. 306 

The goal of the ABN is to pressure the U.S. government toward a 
"liberation" policy aimed against the USSR, with ABN leaders as the 
liberators. Although ABN members say they only need technical assistance 
from the West, they want the U.S. military to put them in power in Eastern 
Europe and the USSR. This is the formula they tried under German Nazi 
sponsorship. Their manipulations of the American political system are 
toward that end. 

The emigres of the ABN still dream of one more chance to create a new 
order in Europe. They even got Michigan Republican Congressman Paul 
Henry to enter a statement into the Congressional Record in July 1986 
commending the "independence" of the Ukraine under Stetsko in 1941. 

According to Henry, "a representative assembly of the most prominent 
Ukrainian leaders from all walks of life issued a Proclamation of the Restora- 
tion of Ukrainia's Independence . . . The proclamation received enthusiastic 
support of the Ukrainian people." Henry referred to the "freedom fighters" of 
the "Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN), led by Stepan 
Bandera." When questioned about his praise for a document which included 
the line "Glory to the Heroic German Army and its Fuhrer, Adolph Hitler," 
a spokesperson for Henry said he'd "not been aware of the fine print. . . ." 307 

On July 20, 1988, George Bush reaffirmed the ties between the Republi- 
can Party and the ABN by making a campaign stop at Fedorak's Ukrainian 


Cultural Center in Warren, Michigan. Bush delivered a hard-line foreign 
policy speech to those attending the annual Captive Nations banquet 
sponsored jointly by the Captive Nations Committee and the ABN. 
Sharing the dais with Fedorak and Bush was Katherine Chumachenko, 
formerly the director of the UCCA's Captive Nations Committee and then 
Deputy Director for Public Liaison at the White House. Ignatius M. 
Billinsky, President of UCCA, had already been named Honorary Chair of 
Ukrainians for Bush, and Bohdan Fedorak named National vice-chair of 
Ukrainians for Bush. 

Also on the dais at the Ukrainian Cultural Center Bush speech was Dr. 
Joseph Sazyc, who has led the Byelorussian- American Veterans Association 
for twenty years. While the group's name suggests its members were veterans 
of U.S. military service, the group includes Nazi collaborators. According to 
a 1948 U.S. intelligence report, the Byelorussian- American Veterans 
Association was originally formed in 1947 by Nazi collaborators at a 
German displaced persons camp. The leader of the group was former SS 
Major General Franz Kushel, described in the first section of this report. 308 


At the July 1988 Captive Nations banquet in Michigan, Vice-President 
Bush was introduced by Bohdan Fedorak (see photo, page 74), whose 
brief comments included a strong denunciation of the U.S. Justice 
Department's Office of Special Investigations (OSI). Bush nodded his 
agreement and applauded the comment. 

There is perhaps no current issue which sets the emigre fascist network 
apart from mainstream American society more than the campaign against 
the Office of Special Investigations. 

The OSI was established by a 1 978 act of Congress to discover and deport 
Nazi war criminals who entered the U.S. after World War II. Almost 
immediately the Ukrainian Quarterly (published by the Ukrainian Congress 
Committee of America) denounced OSI, as did the quasi-Nazi Liberty 
Lobby and the neofascist Lyndon LaRouche organization. Soon the 
Lithuanian- American Council, the American Lithuanian Community, and 
the Joint Baltic American National Committee — all members of the ASC's 
Coalition for Peace Through Strength — joined in the anti-OSI campaign. 
Other Coalition for Peace Through Strength groups that actively opposed 
the OSI pursuit of Nazi collaborators were the Byelorussian-American 
Association, Congress of Russian- Americans, and the World Federation for 
a Free Latvia. 309 

While some organizations claimed they only opposed the methods em- 


President Ronald Reagan signs on July 31, 1988 the proclamation 
declaring Captive Nations Week. 

(Ollicial While HijaS" [holograph C-1831609 liy Bill Fite-Pairick) 


ployed by OSI, others called for its abolition. The specific method used by 
OSI which drew the sharpest criticism concerned the use of evidence from 
Soviet citizens, archives, and prosecutors. Even though such evidence is 
independently scrutinized and tested by the U.S. government and must 
meet U.S. rules of evidence in court, the anti-OSl groups call it "KGB 
evidence" without offering any proof of their own to back up that assertion. 
All of the above groups claim there is an "OSI/KGB partnership." 310 None 
of the groups has supported the legal proceedings against even one suspected 
war criminal, even when the accused has publicly confessed his crimes. 
The charges of KGB plots, according to the Anti-Defamation League of 
B'nai B'rith, appear to be a "propaganda smokescreen that seeks to exploit 
anti-communism," in an attempt to stop the OSI investigations and legal 
proceedings." 1 

Right-wing groups such as Accuracy in Media and individuals such as 
former Reagan advisor Patrick Buchanan and writer Joseph Sobran have 
joined in the anti-OSI campaign. 

A New Hampshire organization, the American Freedom Company, 
which publishes a periodical called The Truth, began anti-OSI activity as 
early as 1982. 312 The group is a member organization of the Coalition for 
World Freedom, the political arm of Singlaub's U.S. Council for World 
Freedom. 3 " 

The emigre fascists have employed a variety of methods to protect those 
charged with war crimes and to stop the OSI investigations. These methods 
include lobbying Congress and the White House, urging their respective 
ethnic communities not to cooperate with government investigators, and in 
some cases, employing increasingly anti-Semitic propaganda and historical 
revisionism which denies the f acts of the Nazi Holocaust. 

The Lithuanian-American Council (LAC) is an example of a group that 
practices the latter technique. In 1979 the Council published a book that 
blamed the Germans and the Jews but not the Lithuanians (other than a few 
"irresponsible Lithuanians with criminal inclinations") for the annihilation 
of Lithuanian Jews. 314 A 1986 book distributed by the LAC suggests that 
Jews brought persecution on themselves, 315 while another LAC-distributed 
book (available by mail order from LAC or from the literature rack at their 
offices in Chicago) praises pre-Christian, pagan Lithuania. 316 The 1975 
book, by Charles Pichel (see Order of St. John in Part 2) says that "Christi- 
anity has failed her [Lithuania] miserably and as a result, many Samogitians 
[Lithuanians] have turned to ancient, pagan prophecies as a guide and hope 
for their future." 317 

Why the Lithuanian- American Council promotes a brand of paganism 
used as the basis for the racialist beliefs of Nordic chauvinists ranging from 
Nazi Heinrich Himmler to racialist Roger Pearson is in itself unclear, but 


then the Lithuanian-American Council has never acknowledged — much 
less condemned — the brutal Lithuanian Greywolves organization and 
Lithuanian police units that actively pursued the German Nazi policy of 
exterminating Jews, Russians and political opponents of the German mili- 
tary occupation in that region. 

While these emigre organizations concern themselves with issues other 
than OS1, several groups have been formed for the specific purpose of 
stopping OSI's investigation and deportation of war criminals. One of these 
groups, the Coalition for Constitutional Justice and Security (CCJS), is a 
member of the Coalition for Peace Through Strength. It has called for a 
suspension of OS1 activities and the "initiation of public inquiries into 
possible links between OSI, FBI, KGB, extremeist [sic] groups." 318 CCJS is 
led by Anthony and Danute Mazeika, who helped arrange the 1 986 Repub- 
lican Heritage Groups Council Annual Convention in Los Angeles. 

The CCJS has also claimed that the 1985 bombings which targeted two 
accused war criminals living in the U.S. were "a direct result of the Justice 
Department's lack of control of the Office of Special Investigations' method 
of operation. . . ." 519 

Intense emotions and rhetoric have accompanied the anti-OSI efforts. 
The World Jewish Congress has charged that the motivating factor behind 
such activity is "the fear that the Justice Department's prosecutors are 
exposing the American public to the historical facts that Hitler's annihila- 
tion of six million Jews was carried out not by the Germans alone, but rather 
with the extensive collaboration of Lithuanians, Latvians, Ukrainians, 
Estonians, and other Europeans." 320 

Various fascist emigre elements have, over the years, attempted to 
present themselves as advocates of human rights and champions of per- 
secuted minorities. Being identified with Nazi campaigns of murder does 
not lend credibility to their assertions when they make their public 
presentations in forums ranging from the Helsinki Human Rights Review 
to local U.S. rallies endorsed by congressional representatives and the 
President of the United States. 

Given the claimed patriotic purpose of the American Security Council, 
it makes little sense why the Coalition for Constitutional Justice and 
Security is a member of the ASC's Coalition for Peace Through Strength — 
especially since the primary purpose of the group is to shield accused Nazi 
war criminals from prosecution. One can also ask why the Republican 
National Committee remains indifferent when one of its components, the 
Republican Heritage Groups Council, opposes OSI. 

80 OLDNAZIS, the newright, and the republican party 


When Jonas Savimbi, the head of the Union for the Total Independence 
of Angola (UNITA), met with President Reagan and Administration 
officials in a high profile, whirlwind tour of the Capital in January 1986, it 
represented the success of a ten-year American Security Council effort to 
get recognition and funding for UNITA. Savimbi's Washington visit was 
hosted and coordinated by the American Security Council. 321 

UNITA is a South African-allied military force attempting to take over 
the government of Angola. The government of Angola, which is unfriendly 
to the apartheid regime in South Africa, came to power in 1975, despite a 
major CIA effort that supported UNITA. 322 Since then, a virtual South 
African lobby has sprung up in American right-wing circles demanding a 
defense of the apartheid regime. 

"We first invited Savimbi to come to the U.S. in 1975," says ASC 
president John Fisher. "We paid for a plane to bring him here with a dozen 
staff from Africa. We set them up in a hotel for ten days. We set up 
Congressional meetings." 323 Congress at the time was preparing to cut off aid 
to UNITA. The Clark Amendment was finally passed, which barred further 
aid to UNITA. 

The ASC began what it called a decade-long "educational campaign" to 
have the amendment repealed. In 1981, Savimbi again was an ASC guest at 
its Virginia estate, and meetings with "the Secretary of State [Alexander 
Haig] and numerous Congressional leaders" were arranged, according to an 
ASC newsletter. 324 With the repeal of the Clark Amendment in 1985, ASC 
hosted a celebration with members of Congress and UNITA's Jeremias 
Chitunda, who said that "John Fisher has always been standing by us. . . ." 325 

The effort to aid UNITA was so crucial to the ASC that they gave their 
1986 "Distinguished Service Award" to Senator Bob Dole for his behind- 
the-scenes work on behalf of UNITA. Dole has attempted to do the same for 
another South Africa-backed operation against Mozambique called 
RENAMO. 326 RENAMO has ties to the World Anti-Communist League 
(WACL) and its representatives spoke at the WACL 1984 and 1985 

The ASC has worked with South Africa itself, and not just its proxies. In 
1979 an ASC "fact-finding mission" visited South Africa, then white su- 
premacist Rhodesia, and South Africa-occupied Namibia. 327 The trip was 
funded and coordinated by the Southern African Freedom Foundation, 
which had been exposed the year bef ore as a project secretly funded by the 
South African government. 328 Press coverage at the time identified Ray 
Ackerman, a Capetown businessman, as an architect of the SAFF. 329 

The ASC praised Ackerman with "a special debt of thanks," for helping 


to raise the "funds needed for the project." Ian Smith, head of the white 
minority Rhodesian regime, had been a guest at the ASC estate near Boston, 
Virginia just months earlier." 0 

Two months after the Reagan Administration came to power, the ASC 
hosted and coordinated the visit of five military intelligence officials from 
South Africa to the U.S., including the head of military intelligence. The 
Council arranged for them to meet with staff at the Pentagon's Defense 
Intelligence Agency and the National Security Council. 331 Through Roger 
Pearson associate and Jesse Helms staffer Jim Lucier, meetings were arranged 
on Capitol Hill. 33z A meeting was also arranged with then Ambassador to 
the United Nations Jeane Kirkpatrick. 333 Because South African military 
officials were supposed to be banned from U.S. visits, the intelligence 
officials were hurried out of the U.S. after six days of activity, including a 
two-day briefing for the ASC on Southern Africa. 334 Several days after the 
visit, then Secretary of State Al Haig called for the repeal of the Clark 
Amendment. 335 

Several member organizations of the Coalition for Peace Through 
Strength are also close to South Africa's apartheid regime. In 1983, for 
instance, Jack Abramoff went to South Africa as chairman of the College 
Republican National Committee to begin an ongoing relationship with the 
extreme right National Student Federation (NSF). The NSF noted this as a 
"grand alliance of conservative students ... an alliance that would represent 
the swing to the right amongst the youth in America and Western 
Europe." 336 After an exchange of trips between College Republicans and 
South African student rightists, the College Republican National Council 
passed a resolution condemning "deliberate planted propaganda by the 
KGB," and "Soviet proxy forces" in Southern Africa, without mentioning 
apartheid or racism. 337 The National Student Federation, which says that 72 
percent of its funding comes from corporations, resolved out of these meet- 
ings "To inspire, focus and unite the national will ... to achieve . . . 'Peace 
Through Strength'." 338 

Another Coalition for Peace Through Strength member, the Conserva- 
tive Caucus (which is also part of the World Anti-Communist League), 
works directly with South African government officials. 

Caucus Chair Howard Phillips cosponsors trips to South Africa (at a 
$4,000 fee) which offer "confidential intelligence and financial briefings" 
and meetings "with the very highest officials of government, business, 
banking and the military in South Africa." Also promised are "military 
intelligence briefings." Ads for such trips are placed in John Birch Society 
publications. 339 The Conservative Caucus lobbies vigorously for UNITA 
and attempted to initiate a corporate campaign against Gulf Oil/Chevron 
for buying Angolan oil. 340 


Phillips and Abramoff both supported campaigns calling for the dismissal 
of Chester Crocker and George Shultz from the State Department because 
they are seen as insufficiently supportive of South Africa. 341 The "Dump 
Schultz" campaign grew out of a meeting of the Council for National 
Policy, 3,12 a secret membership group that has included Phillips, Abramoff, 
then National Security Council officials Oliver North and John 
Lenczowski, WACL chair John Singlaub, and many others with ASC 
interlocks. 343 CNP's secret quarterly meetings bring together right-wing 
funders (such as Joseph Coors) and foreign policy activists. 344 The June 1 987 
speaker was Richard Secord. 345 Secord was a major player in the Iran- 
contragate arms for hostages private network. 

Because the ASC and WACL have a shared history, leadership and 
political outlook, it seems appropriate to note one other South African 
connection to American rightists. 

Although it doesn't show up on the list of delegates at WACL confer- 
ences, WACL has a South African chapter. It has been headed for years by 
Ivor Benson, 346 who has also been the South African correspondent to The 
Spotlight, 347 the notoriously anti-Semitic newspaper published by the 
quasi-Nazi Liberty Lobby. Benson wrote a speech for the 1986 meeting of 
the Institute for Historical Review, 348 an organization devoted to proving 
the Nazi Holocaust against Jews and others was a hoax. The Institute is the 
brainchild of Willis Carto, who also runs Liberty Lobby and Spotlight. 
Benson was unable due to illness to attend the 1 986 IHR conference, but his 
speech was delivered by a colleague (at the same IHR event attended by Dr. 
Ronnett). Benson's speech implied that South Africa's troubles were due to 
a Jewish conspiracy. 349 

Like other friends of Liberty Lobby who are also members of WACL, 
Benson stays out of sight so as to not embarrass other African delegates. He 
has, however, addressed at least one meeting of North American WACL 
chaired by Gen. Singlaub. South Africa's main interest in WACL is to 
garner support for UNITA and RENAMO. Benson's direct and publicized 
presence could only hurt this effort at coalition-building, so he stays in the 


Much of Central America has been plagued by poverty, corruption, and 
U.S. -backed dictatorships for most of this century. 350 
In Nicaragua, the Somoza family had ruled from 1933 to 1979. In the 
1970's, a form of "crony capitalism" similar to that of former Philippines 


dictator Ferdinand Marcos also dominated the politics and economy of 
Nicaragua. Few prospered without the blessing of Anastasio Somoza. A 
small corrupt circle of wealthy landowners and National Guard leaders 
ruthlessly maintained their hold over N icaragua. 

When the Somoza regime in Nicaragua collapsed and the Sandinista 
coalition came to power on July 19, 1979, the American Security Council 
was quick to respond. "The Marxist Threat to Central America" was the 
headline and sole topic of its newsletter, Washington Report, August 1979. It 
immediately formed a Task Force on Central America. "The goal of that 
Task Force is to be an energizing element within the Congress and within 
the two political parties that would seek to force the [Carter] Administra- 
tion to correct its policies toward Central America." By which they meant, 
get rid of the Sandinistas. 

The ASC Task Force on Central America included a handful of retired 
generals, including John Singlaub, Daniel O. Graham, Richard Stillwell, 
Gordon Sumner, William P. Yarborough, and Alexander Haig. Congres- 
sional members included Larry McDonald (D-GA), George Hansen (R-ID), 
John Murphy (D-NY), Bob Stump (R-AR), and Charles Wilson (D-TX). 
Retired Admiral Thomas Moorer, also o f the Task Force, saw threats "all the 
way from Mexico down to the Cape of South America." 

The ASC sought to make a popular issue out of Nicaragua for the 1980 
elections, just as the Panama Canal issue had aided the Right for the 
previous four years. The film Attack on the Americas was produced in 
1980, the first of three ASC films on Central America. It depicted all 
revolution as the result of KGB machinations rather than as responses 
to conditions in Central America itself. Even Florida was judged to be 

As the Task Force name implied, the ASC was interested in all of 
Central America, not just Nicaragua. In 1979, a delegation of ASC leaders 
went to Guatemala and met with rightists connected to the death squads 
there. The delegation, led by Graham and Singlaub, told the ruling Guate- 
mala military that they would urge Reagan to resume aid to the military 
dictatorship, which Carter had terminated because of the military's death 
squad activity. An estimated 100,000 deaths resulted from the brutal 
pacification programs in rural Guatemala in the late 1970's and early 80's. 
After the ASC delegation briefed him, one Guatemalan official was quoted 
as saying he felt the message was clear, "Mr. Reagan recognizes that a good 
deal of dirty work has to be done." Within days of the ASC visit, there was a 
dramatic increase in death squad activity. 352 

Latin America has death squads, active or dormant, from Mexico to 
Argentina. Most, if not all, are linked to military intelligence and police or 
national guard units. 353 They also have above-ground political organizations 


complementing their covert activity. These political organizations publicly 
advocate the most extreme measures against dissent within their respective 
countries.' 54 

The ties between the legal political organizations, death squads, the 
American Security Council and World Anti-Communist League can be 
found in several countries including El Salvador, Guatemala, and Argen- 

Such was the case with the Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance 
(AAA) in the 1970's. It was an organization of right-wing murder, terror, 
and propaganda whose activity was coordinated with the military 
regime. 355 It was also the Argentine branch of the World Anti-Communist 
League. 356 

Roberto D'Aubuisson, closely identified with the death squads of El 
Salvador, is affiliated with the ARENA party and he has served as that 
country's representative to WACL. 

During a 1981 trip to Washington, D.C., Roberto DAubuisson was an 
honored guest at an ASC conference, although DAubuisson had already 
been linked to El Salvadoran death squad activities, including the 1980 
murder of Archbishop Oscar Romero. The purpose of the DAubuisson visit 
was to enhance his support in Congress. 357 

The ASC also conducted an interview with D'Aubuisson in June of 1984 
for its radio program that is broadcast into Latin America, and for the ASC 
newsletter. 358 A photo of ASC leader Samuel Dickens and D'Aubuisson still 
hangs on the ASC conference room wall. Dickens is a retired colonel who 
held various intelligence posts and headed the Air Force Directorate of 
Plans for the Western Hemisphere. 

In early 1987 the ASC also organized a Washington reception for 
Alfredo Christiani, D'Aubuisson's successor as head of the extreme right 
ARENA party. Over 1 50 attended the reception, according to the ASC.' 59 

As an ASC and World Anti-Communist League organizer, Singlaub also 
worked with D'Aubuisson. One mercenary magazine photo shows Singlaub 
and D'Aubuisson studying a military map in El Salvador. 360 

Under Somoza in Nicaragua, the National Guard was the base of WACL. 
In Guatemala, Mario Sandoval Alarcon is the leader of the National Libera- 
tion Movement, a political party, as well as the leader of the death squads in 
that country.' 61 He is also the Guatemalan representative to WACL. 

An official spokesman of the National Liberation Movement (MLN) 
glorified the violence of his movement in terms strikingly similar to those 
used by Mussolini: 

I admit that the MLN is the party of organized violence. 
Organized violence is vigor, just as organized color is scenery 


and organized sound is harmony. There is nothing wrong with 
organized violence; it is vigor, and the MLN is a vigorous 
movement.' 62 

The ASC view of death squads was probably best expressed by Neil 
Livingstone, whose Institute on Terrorism and Subnational Conflict works 
out of the ASC offices. Often perceived as an opponent of terrorism, 
Livingstone wrote in World Affairs, Winter 1983-84, that "the problem of 
human rights is genuinely bad in Guatemala and El Salvador. We should not 
wring our hands, however, over this problem." After giving a misleading 
explanation of the origins of death squads, Livingstone advocated their use 
because "they have helped more governments remain in power than they 
have harmed." He offered Argentina as an example. Argentina is one 
country where the death squads embraced the swastika. 

Livingstone, who also has served on the ASC Foundation's Strategy 
Board, wrote in World and I (a monthly publication under the control of 
Rev. Sun Myung Moon), that "methods are needed that involve targeting 
individual terrorists and their leadership for assassination." 363 A box ac- 
companying the article identifies such groups as the African National 
Congress and the ruling party of Zimbabwe as "terrorist." 354 

Livingstone worked with other Reagan Administration luminaries 
through his role with World Affairs, whose editorial board has included 
Jeane Kirkpatrick and her husband Evron, as well as procontra activists 
Penn Kemble and Joshua Muravchic. 

Livingstone's Institute also employed Robert Owen, Oliver North's cou- 
rier in secret contra-support operations. Owen, a former staffer of then 
Senator Dan Quayle, met with a key contra organizer of the southern front 
against Nicaragua, John Hull, in Quayle's office. According to the Wall 
Street journal, "After a long talk about conditions in Central America, Mr. 
Owen escorted Hull to the White House, where he met Col. [Oliver] North. 
In August, 1983, Mr. Owen testified that he made his first trip to Central 
America, traveling to Costa Rica on a round-trip ticket provided by Mr. 
Hull." 365 

North discussed the secret operation with Livingstone. 366 According to 
the Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-contra 
Affair, Livingstone's Institute received at least $75,000 from Interna- 
tional Business Communications (IBC). IBC was part of the Oliver North 
network which funded various procontra operations while working closely 
with Carl "Spitz" Channel's National Endowment for the Preservation of 
Liberty.' 67 

The ASC's Director for Inter- American Affairs is Samuel Dickens. An 
associate of contra military commander Enrique Bermudez when they were 
on the Inter- American Defense Board in 1976, Dickens says that in 1981, "I 


took him to meet people at the State Department and Defense Department, 
saying this is a man, these are the efforts that should be supported." 368 

Dickens traveled in Honduras in 1981 "on the border of Nicaragua. . . 
meeting and really reviewing some of his forces." He adds that "the ASC is 
one of a number of organizations that put [Congressional funding for the 
contras] really high on the priority list of things to accomplish." 

Connected into the Latin American extreme right, Dickens believes in a 
hard-line military policy toward the civil war in El Salvador. In 1985, he 
wrote an article for Replica that attacked El Salvadoran President Napoleon 
Duarte's gestures toward negotiations with the FDR opposition. Dickens 
claimed that "Many people in El Salvador consider the word "negotiations' 
to be a bad word, and with complete justification." He called advocates of 
negotiations "dreamers." 569 In 1985, in another article in Replica, Dickens 
praised the founder of El Salvador's death squads as "the patriotic General 
Medrano," and called Medrano's critics "fools." 370 Replica is the magazine of 
the Tecos, a Mexican neo-Nazi group noted for bizarre anti-Semitism and 
for its longtime leadership of the Latin American affiliate of the World 
Anti-Communist League — an affiliate which served as the political 
umbrella of Latin America's death squads. 371 

The same murderous policies pursued by the Romanian Iron Guard when 
it collaborated with Hitler are praised as appropriate and necessary by 
current ideologues in Latin America. The Iron Guard, for instance, seems to 
have been allied with the Pinochet regime in Chile. Pinochet personally 
met with Iron Guard leaders, and several Guardists proudly display photo- 
graphs of themselves individually posing with Pinochet and his wife. In turn, 
Iron Guard propaganda, such as Alexander Ronnett's publication, Potomac, 
praised Chile, spoke of the "years of progress" under Pinochet, and expressed 
its hope "that other nationalist governments will follow the example of 
President Pinochet." Pinochet has secretly funded WACL according to 
Ronnett. 372 That the Pinochet regime would ally itself with pro-Nazi ele- 
ments was evident as early as 1974, when Chile's new ambassador to the 
United States met with Austin App and others to discuss improving Chile's 
image in the U.S. press. 373 

In the introduction, by Dr. Dimitrie Gazdaru, to the English language 
translation of For My Legionaries, by Iron Guard founder Codreanu, the 
policies of the Iron Guard are seen as having current application in Latin 

. . . level-headed youth in several parts of the convulsed globe 
are now being guided more and more by the doctrine of the 
movement ideated by Codreanu. The most telling demonstra- 
tion of this is the recent recognition of it by healthy-minded 
youth in Chile, whose spokesman, an eminent university profes- 


sor, clearly declares that the anticommunist victory there has 
initiated posthumous victories for Comeliu Codreanu. 374 

The ideological training of many of the Latin American death squad 
members has emphasized the brutal tactics and theories of Mussolini and 
Hitler. Sometimes the connection is quite direct. For instance, after World 
War II, Third Reich collaborator Klaus Barbie actually continued to ply his 
gruesome trade in Bolivia as an advisor to the government-sanctioned death 
squads and as a supporter of a 1980 pro-Nazi coup. 375 Some death squad 
members have openly sported swastikas. 

These are the groups Singlaub, WACL, and the ASC have worked with 
internationally. The words may change from counter- insurgency to special 
operations to low-intensity conflict, but these are merely deceptive terms 
for what history calls war. As an advisor to the contras, the Pentagon, 
Oliver North, and others, Singlaub provided advice based on his own 
experience, including Operation Phoenix, a covert operation which em- 
ployed cross-border raids, terrorism, and assassination against Vietnamese 
civilians. 376 Applying those lessons to aid the contras, Singlaub declared on 
the Phil Donahue show that "my life has been dedicated to . . . low-intensity 
warfare." 377 



Americans are, in general, not aware of the role and importance of the 
Eastern Front in the history of World War II. The German blitzkrieg, 
the Russian winter, and the long Soviet counterattack are the staples of the 
history of this subject. The resulting ignorance allows us to tolerate an 
extensive network of collaborators established by Hitler's Third Reich, 
many of whom then came to the United States after the war ended. When 
these collaborators promote themselves as past victims of Soviet (or 
Romanian, Hungarian, etc.) persecution and as patriotic anticommu- 
nists, they mask their past fascism, nazism, and sometimes crimes against 

Some of the ethnic unrest in Eastern Europe in the early 1990's can be 
directly traced to the organizing efforts of a number of these same anti- 
Semitic, collaborationist, and pro-Nazi elements and their offspring. Mem- 
bers of the Iron Guard were expelled from Romania for fanning the flames of 
hate. A convicted Nazi collaborator who served in the Hungarian Arrow 
Cross helped secure funds from the tax-supported National Endowment for 
Democracy (NED) to build a Hungarian political party with a strong under- 
current of anti-Semitism. The unrest in Czechoslovakia was engineered in 
part by the Slovak World Congress. NED funds for building democracy also 
went to a Lithuanian group whose leadership includes an accused Nazi 
collaborator. Members of the Russian group Pamyat have circulated transla- 
tions of anti-Semitic articles from the U.S. white supremacist newspaper 
Thunderbolt (now known as The Truth At Last). 

A combination of ignorance, amnesia, and in some cases political sympa- 
thy have allowed both American and European abetters of the Third Reich 
to play a prominent and respectable role inside the Republican Party. In 
many cases these fascists are unrepentant about their past as enemies of the 


United States and as supporters of Nazi genocide. It is painfully ironic that it 
was our victory over Germany which forced SS-linked groups to flee their 
Eastern European homelands, in some cases to the United States, and 
subsequently allowed former enemies of the United States to influence 
American politics at the highest levels. 

The American right wing has made common cause with this racism and 
anti-Semitism in their ranks. The American Security Council is an impor- 
tant organization which is less an aberration of the American Right than the 
expression of two generations of Old and New Right issues, priorities, 
outlooks, and personalities. As Christopher Simpson observes in Blowback: 

Captivated by a vision of the world in which any enemy of 
the Communists was a friend of ours, the United States' public 
role in Eastern Europe during the cold war consisted in large 
part of the creation of polarized crises in which East- West 
cooperation became impossible, while the clandestine counter- 
part to this same policy often created secret alliances with war 
criminals, Nazis, and extremists. 

The presence of these political currents in the American political process 
presents a challenge to members of both political parties and to those of 
neither party. Observers and researchers in the media, academia, and in 
non-profit political and religious groups must all ask themselves whether the 
condition described herein is acceptable. 

In 1988 the George Bush presidential campaign was presented with the 
opportunity to repudiate the anti-Semites, Nazi apologists, and fascists who 
had been recruited into the campaign's ethnic outreach arm through Repub- 
lican party contacts. Instead of repudiating antidemocratic tendencies and 
bigotry, the Bush campaign chose to sidestep the charges and moved instead 
to minimize damage to the political campaign. 

The record to date leads to the conclusion that the Republican National 
Committee and the network around the American Security Council and 
World Anti-Communist League may consider it forgivable to have been 
a fascist collaborator so long as one is today an active anticommunist 
pursuing the maintenance of the cold war in foreign policy and extremist 
right-wing politics at home. If this is an incorrect interpretation, then it is 
incumbent upon them to give a better — and public — explanation of why 
a tolerance for anti-Semitism, racism, authoritarianism, and fascism is a 
hallmark of both their foreign policy intrigues abroad and their political 
coalition-building at home. 


notes for pages 1-7 


1. U.S., Displaced Persons Commission, Memo to America, The DP Story, The 
Final Report of the Displaced Persons Commission (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 
1952), p. v. 

2. Ibid., p. 101. 

3. Ibid. 

4. For information on the Waff en SS, see George Stein, The Waffen SS: Hitler's 
Elite Guard at War: 1939-1945 (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 
1966); Alexander Dallin, German Rule in Russia, 1941-45: A Study of 
Occupation Policies (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1957). 

5. Jack Anderson, "Nixon Appears a Little Soft on Nazis," Washington Post, Nov. 
1 0, 1 97 1 , p. Bl 7; Nora Levin, The Holocaust: The Destruction of European ]ewry 
1933-1945 (New York: T. Y. Crowell, 1968; Schocken Books, 1973), pp. 610- 
1 1, 644, 653-55, 662-64; Randolph L. Braham, "Boring from Within: The Case 
of Laszlo Pasztor," Midstream, June/July, 1989, p. 25. 

6. Interview with Laszlo Pasztor, Washington, D.C., May 15, 1985. Interviews will 
be indentified with date and location the first time they are cited only. 

7. The requests were made in person Sept. 1984, May 1985, and June 1986. 

8. See, for instance, the ad sponsored by the American Security Council in the 
Washington Times, Sept. 28, 1983, p. A5. 

9. Anderson, "Nixon Appears a Little Soft on Nazis," p. B17. 

10. Interview with Spas T. Raikin, by telephone, August 1986. 

11. Interview with Ivan Docheff, by telephone, Sept. 1984. See pp. 41—44 of 
this report for discussion of the Nazi-linked National Confederation of 
American Ethnic Groups. Leaders of NC AEG have included Austin App and 
Josef Mikus. 

Endnotes 91 


12. Interview with Professor Frederic Chary, Detroit, Michigan, August 1984. 
Chary is author of Bulgarian Jews and the Final Solution (Pittsburgh: University of 
Pittsburgh Press, 1972). 

13. Chary also supplied the Prelom masthead with headline (Prelom, March 31, 

14. Ivan Docheff, Half Century Struggle against Communism for the Freedom of 
Bulgaria (New York: Bulgarian National Front, 1982), p 83; also see DochefPs 
biographical statement in his book, A New Danger for World's Peace — Red 
Bulgaria (Salzburg, Austria: n.p., 1950). Also, Raikin letter to the author, 
August 17, 1986. 

15. Docheff, Half Century Struggle against Communism, p. 185. 

16. Ivan Docheff, "Why President Reagan?" Borba, Sept. 1984, p. 1. Borba is 
published by the Central Executive Board of the Bulgarian National Front, 

17. Interview with Ivan Docheff . 

18. Interview with Ivan Docheff; interview with Frederic Chary; confirmed by the 
author in a telephone conversation in Sept. 1984 with aide to White House 
Director of Ethnic Liaison, Linas Kojelis. 

19. Interview with Nicolas Nazarenko, Washington, D.C, May 17-18, 1985; 
interview with Alex Aksenov, Washington, D.C, May 17-18, 1985. See also 
Christopher Simpson, Blowback: U.S. Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the 
Cold War (New York: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1988), pp. 24-25. 

20. Interview with Florian Galdau, by telephone, Sept. 1984. 

21. Chris Simpson, "Not Just Another Nazi," Penthouse, August 1983, p. 156. 

22. Howard Blum, Wanted: The Search for Nazis in America (New York: Quad- 
rangle/New York Times Book Co., 1977), pp. 109-11, 114-1 6. Trif a offered 
an opening prayer for the U.S. Senate on May 10, 1955, at the request of 
Richard Nixon, who presided over the Senate as part of his vice-presidential 

23. "Viorcl Donise Trifa," FBI Memo (April 6, 1954), p. 1 ; on Galdau, 
"Viorel Donisc Trifa," FBI Memo (Oct. 5, 1955), p. 2. Copies of these memos 
are in the possession of the author. 

24. A privately circulated, typewritten document by George Roman names sixty 
Iron Guardists and briefly describes their functions in the U.S. 

25. New York City News World, July 31-August 1, 1982, p. Bl. News World is 
affiliated with the Reverend Moon's Unification Church. Moon's followers 
have made great efforts to link into emigre fascist groups. See, for example, 
"Will the Soviet Union Survive?: ABN International Conference" program, 
May 13-15, 1988, Washington, D.C: several speakers, including the keynote 
speaker, were representatives of Moon-connected organizations. 

26. Both groups were accredited to the Displaced Persons Commission. See Memo 
to America, pp. 270, 277, 285, and 289. On Tolstoy Foundation, see Blum, pp. 
68-70; Doug Hostetter and Michael Mclntyre, "The Politics of Charity," 

92 Old Nazis, Ti ie New Right, and the Republican Party 


Christian Century, Sept. 18, 1974, pp. 845-50. On the International Rescue 
Committee, see R. Harris Smith, OSS: The Secret History of America's First 
Central Intelligence Agency (Berkeley, California: University of California 
Press, 1972), p. 404n; Simpson, Blowback, p. 200n. Also, U.S., Senate, 
Committee on Foreign Relations, The U.S. Government ana 1 the Vietnam War: 
Executive and Legislative Roles and Relationships ; Part 1 : 1 945- 196 1 , 98th Cong., 
2nd sess., 1984, pp. 301-303. 

27. Interview with Valerian Trifa, conducted by Dennis Debbaudt, Oct. 20, 1981, 
by telephone. Transcript made available to author. 

28. United Israel Bulletin, Summer 1974, p. 1. 

29. Interview with Dennis Debbaudt, Detroit, Michigan, Sept. 1984. 

30. Interview with Walter Melianovich, Washington, D.C., May 17, 1985. 

31. John Loftus, The Belarus Secret (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982), p. 181; 
interview with Mark Masurowsky, Washington, D.C., May 1985. 

32. Loftus, p. 29. 

33. U.S., Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression, Nuremberg Document #PS 3047 
(Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1946), Vol. 5, pp. 772-76. 

34. Interview with Mark Masurowsky. 

35. Interview with Cheslav Nadjiuk, Los Angeles, June 28, 1986. Also, a list of 
those who attended the 14th plenum of the Byelorussian Central Council (the 
Nazi puppet government in exile) in South River, New Jersey on Sept. 4 and 
5, 1954, includes Nadjiuk (spelled Naydzyuk) and says that he attended the 
1944 Congress. 

36. Gerhard L. Wineberg, The Foreign Policy of Hitler's Germany (Chicago: Uni- 
versity of Chicago Press, 1970), pp. 1 16-18. 

37. Joseph Lettrich, History of Modern Slovakia (New York: Praeger, 1955), pp. 
143-73. The declaration of war is mentioned on p. 169. 

38. Lucy Dawidowicz, The War against the Jews (New York: Bantam, 1976), p. 544. 

39. David Duke for President Committee, Quarterly Report of Receipts and Dis- 
bursements, Federal Election Commission, Form 3P, Schedule BP, July I-Sept. 
30, 1987, p. 9. 

40. Joseph M. Kirschbaum, ed., Slovakia in the I9thand20th Centuries (Toronto: 
Slovak World Congress, 1973), pp. 9-10; Lettrich, pp. 1 16-17, 175. 

41. Kirschbaum, p. 151. 

42 . New York Times, May 25-June 10, 1981; Thomas Sheehan, "Italy: Terror on 
the Right," New York Review of Books, Jan. 22, 1981, pp. 23-26. Also, Luigi Di 
Fonzo, St. Peter's Banker (New York and London: Franklin Watts, 1983); Larry 
Gurwin, The Calvi Affair (London: Macmillan, 1983). 

43. Boston Sunday Globe, Oct. 18, 1987, p. A18. 

44. Who's Who in American Politics: 1987-88, 1 1th ed. (New York : R.R. Bowker 
Co., 1987). 

Endnotes 93 


45. Di Fonzo, p. 229. 

46. New York Times, June 4, 1981, p. 7. 

47. Di Fonzo, p. 230. 

48. Ibid., p. 259. 

49. Gurwin, p. 189. 

50. Who's Who in America: 1984-1985, 43rd ed. (Chicago: Marquis Who's Who, 
1984); Gurwin, pp. 12, 189-90. 

51. Di Fonzo, pp. 72-73. 

52. Stella's curriculum vitae, 1986, p. 2. 

53. The announcement was made Oct. 20, 1981 according to an undated White 
House letter received by the author in Feb. 1984. 

54. New York Post, Feb. 21, 1986, p. 8. 

55. Stella's curriculum vitae, 1986, p. 5. 

56. Robert Katz, The Fall of the House of Savoy (New York: Macmillan, 1971), pp. 
366-67; Charles Fenyvesi, Splendor in Exile (Washington, D.C.: New Republic 
Books, 1979), pp. 92-93; E. J. Dionne, Jr., "Italy's Royal Heir, in Exile, Pleads to 
Return," New York Times , March 2, 1986, p. 6. 

57. Fenyvesi, pp. 100-101; Taki Theodoracopulos, "Princes and Playboys," Esquire, 
Feb. 27, 1979, pp. 87-88. 

58. Fenyvesi, p. 96. 

59. The delegation's membership, their backgrounds and planned itinerary were 
described in a booklet distributed at the Republican Heritage Groups Council 
meeting, "President Reagen's [sic] Reinauguration Celebration Delegation," 
(Room 8, 1 1 F, 1 50, Chi Lin Road, Taipei, Taiwan: Chinese Times, 1985). 

60. A proposal to create such affiliates was roundly denounced by delegates at the 
June 1986 convention. 

61. Kevin Phillips' syndicated newspaper article, "Economics, Not Heritage, the 
Key," was reprinted in Cossack Life in 1975. Mr. Phillips declined to look for a 
more accessible citation, but a copy of the reprinted article is in the author's 

62. "17th Annual Convention Program," National Republican Heritage Groups 
(Nationalities) Council, Washington, D.C., Oct. 30-Nov. 1, 1987. 

63. Quotations in this section from the 1985 Republican Heritage Groups Council 
convention are from the author's own notes of the event. 

64. Interview with Michael Sotirhos, Washington, D.C., Sept. 1984. 

65. National Republican Heritage Groups Council brochure, Washington, D.C., 

66. Author's notes from the 1985 Republican Heritage Groups Council Conven- 

94 Old Nazis, The New Right, and the Republican Party 


67. Peter Braestrup, "GOP's Open Door: Who's Coming In?" Washington Post, 
Nov. 21, 1971, p. Al. 

68. Jack Anderson, "Doleful Dole," Washington Post, May 18, 1978, p. A25; Jack 
Anderson and Les Whitten, "Nazi Eulogy," Washington Post, May 4, 1976, p. 

69. "Join the Crusade for Freedom" brochure, National Committee for a Free 
Europe, New York City, n.d .. The Crusade for Freedom was a project of the 
Committee for a Free Europe, which was the ostensible sponsor of Radio Free 

70. Interview with Andy Valuchek, Washington, D.C., May 20, 1985. 

71. Washington Post, Jan. 8, 1979, p. CI. 

72. Telephone interview with Wes McCune, July 14, 1988. See also "ASC's John 
Fisher Moves Further into Right- Wing Politics," Group Research Report, April 
3, 1970, p. 25, which states that "Fisher is in effect the organized leader of the 
military-industrial complex as it impinges on civilian life." Group Research 
Report, Feb. 26, 1975, p. 6 and Nov. 1983, p. 37 makes similar assertions. 

73. William Turner, Power on the Right (Berkeley, California: Ramparts Press, 

1 97 1 ) , p. 199. Turner's book has a chapter on the ASC. Also, New York Times , 
July 10, 1958, p. 56. 

74. Turner, pp. 199-200. 

75. America First Committee literature, 1940-41. See, for example, "Monster 
Rally and Demonstration" flyer (Brooklyn, New York: Brooklyn Chapter, 
America First Committee, June 1940), which reads, "Keep United States Out 
of War.. .No Convoys, No War, No Death for American Boys." 

76. J. Edgar Hoover to Major General Edwin M. Watson, Secretary to the Presi- 
dent, FBI Memo (Feb. 13, 1942), p. 6. 

77. Ibid., 2-page cover letter; Michael Sayers and Albert E. Kahn, Sabotage: The 
Secret War Against America (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1942), pp. 

78. J. Edgar Hoover to Major General Watson, cover letter. 

79. J. Edgar Hoover to Major General Watson, p. 4; "Monster Rally and Demon- 
stration" flyer, America First Committee letterhead, June 1940. 

80. Frances Locher, cd., Contemporary Atithors (Detroit: Gale Research, 
1981), Vol. 101, p. 394. This interview was conducted April 30, 1980. 

81. Turner, pp. 200-201. 

82. Donald S. Strong, Organized 1 Anti-Semitism in America (Washington, D.C.: 
American Council on Public Affairs, 1940), pp. 83-108. 

83. Strong, pp. 83-93; Robert Wohlforth, "Spy-Hunters: 1930," The New Republic, 
Jan. 29, 1930, pp. 271-73 (note also reply in Harry Jung, "Correspondence," 
The New Republic, March 12, 1930, pp. 101-102); Norman Hapgood, Profes- 
sional Patriots (New York: Albert & Charles Boni, 1927), pp. 139, 162-65. 

Endnotes 95 


84. John Roy Carlson, Under Cover (Philadelphia: Blakiston Company and New 
York: E. P. Dutton, 1943), p. 392. Jung had White Russian emigres translate 
the "Protocols" from Czarist forgeries in Russian to English forgeries. See also 
Strong, pp. 105-6. 

85. New York Times, July 24, 1942, p. 8; Strong, p. 95. 

86. The Coalitionist, published by the ACPS, from 1929-32. See, for example, 
The Coalitionist, Nov. 1929, p. 1. 

87. John Higham, Strangers in the Land (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers 
University Press, 1955; New York: Atheneum, 1981), pp. 314, 319-21. 

88. Ibid., p. 319. 

89. Barry Mehler, "The New Eugenics: Academic Racism in the U.S. Today," 
Israel Horizons, Jan.-Feb. 1984, p. 25. 

90. In Fact, August 1 1 , 1947, p. 2; In Fact, Feb. 24, 1947, p. 4. In Fact, begun as a 
biweekly in 1940, soon became a weekly that was published until 1950. It was 
edited by George Scldes. 

91. In Fact, Feb. 14, 1949, pp. 1-2. For details on National Republic, see In Fact, 
Feb. 24, 1947, p. 3. 

92. New York Times, July 24, 1942, p. 8. 

93. Felix Morley, "Travesty of Justice," Human Events, Nov. 21, 1945, pp. 192-95. 

94. Arnold Forster and Benjamin R. Epstein, Cross-Currents (Garden City, New 
York: Doubleday & Co., 1 956 ), pp. 1 56-60. 

95. Ibid. , p. 1 58; Thomas Reeves, The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy: A Biography 
(New York: Stein and Day, 1982), p. 662. 

96. Margaret Fisk, ed., Encyclopedia of Associations, 8th ed. (Detroit: Gale Re- 
search, 1973), Vol. l,p. 1057. For background on the political character of 
ACPS, see Group Research Report throughout the 1960's and Report to America 
(an ACPS organ) 1960-1962. 

97. "American Coalition of Patriotic Societies," Group Research Organizations 
Directory, Washington, D.C., Feb. 12, 1963, p. 2. 

98. Encyclopedia of Associations, 22nded. (Detroit: Gale Research, 1987), Vol. 1, 
pt. l,p. 1669. 

99. Who's Who in America: 1 984- J 985 . 

100. Proceedings of the Military-Industrial Conferences, 1955-61. 

101. Neu> York Times, Feb. 19, 1967, pp. 1,32; "The Foreign Policy Research 
Institute," Ramparts, March 1966, pp. 39-40 for discussion of CIA ties to think 
tanks and foundations; Gene M. Lyons and Louis Morton, "School for Strat- 
egy," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, March 1961, pp. 103-6. 

102. Robert Strausz-Hupe, William Kintner, and Stefan Possony, A Forward Strat- 
egy for America (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1961), p. 15. 

103. Clarence Lasby, Project Paperclip (New York: Atheneum, 1971), p. 128. 
96 Old Nazis, theNew Right, andthe Republican Party 

Notes for pages 35-38 

104. Wernher von Braun is listed as a participant in the 1958 Military Industrial 
Conference in the published proceedings of the conference: George B. de 
Huszar, ed., National Strategy in the Age of Revolutions (New York: Praeger, 
1959), p. iii; Medaris presented a lecture at the 1957 Conference, according to 
Military-Industrial Conference: Papers and Discussions, Chicago, 1957, p. v. 

105. Who's Who in Germany (Munich: Intercontinental Book and Publishing Co., 

106. James Pool and Suzanne Pool, Who Financed Hitler (New York: Dial Press, 
1978, 1979), pp. 207, 211. 

107. Who's Who in Germany; New York Times, June 13, 1944, p. 4. 

108. New York Times, July 14, 1923, p. 2. 

109. T. H. Tetens, The New Germany and the Old Nazis (New York: Random House, 
1961), p. 255. 

110. Ibid., pp. 56-70, 254-55. 

111. New Benjamin Franklin House, a Lyndon LaRouche outfit, has translated and 
printed an English-language version of August von der Heydte's 1972 book, 
Modern Irregular War/are (New York: New Benjamin Franklin House, 1986); 
according to LaRouche's New Solidarity, Feb. 21, 1986, p. 8, vonder Heydte 
signed a political advertisement (placed in newspapers throughout West Ger- 
many), which identified him as a member of Patriots for Germany, a LaRouche 

1 12. de Huszar, pp. 269-82. "Special Report on the American Security Council," 
Group Research Directory, May 25, 1962, pp. 4-11; Lyons and Morton, "School 
for Strategy," pp. 104-5; Harold Relyea, "The American Security Council," 
The Nation, Jan. 24, 1972, p. 1 14. 

1 13. See Lyons and Morton, "School for Strategy," pp. 103-6 on the extremism of 
the Institute for American Strategy, its ties to the Pentagon and its origins in 
the military-industrial conferences; Senator William Fulbright's "Memoran- 
dum Submitted to the Department of Defense on Propaganda Activities of 
Military Personnel," Congressional Record, August 2, 1961, pp. 14433-39; New 
YorkTimes, June 18, 1961, p. 1 on the NSC directive; Frank R. Bamett, "A 
Proposal for Political Warfare," Military Review, March 1961, p. 3; and "Special 
Report on the American Security Council," pp. 9-11 for discussion of Senator 
Fulbright's memorandum on the military's sponsorship of seminars on com- 
munism. The New York Times and Lyons and Morton articles are reprinted in 
the Congressional Record as attachments to the Fulbright Memorandum. 

114. Ramparts, March 1966, p. 39. 

1 15. Bamett, "A Proposal for Political Warfare," p. 3. 

116. "Special Report on the American Security Council," p. 9. 

117. David Wise and Thomas B. Ross, The Invisible Government (New York: Ran- 
dom House, 1964; Bantam, 1965), pp. 167-69; Alfred W. McCoy, The Politics 
of Heroin in Southeast Asia (New York: Harper &. Row, 1972), pp. 120-25, 264- 
65; Institute for American Strategy letterhead, n.d. 

Endnotes 97 


118. Guidelines for Cold War Victory (Chicago: ASC Press, 1964), pp. 9-10. In 
Group Research Individuals Directory, 1962, see, for example, the backgrounds 
of Lt. Gen. Edward Almond (Ret.); Spruille Braden; Charles Edison; Adm. 
Ben Moreel (Ret.); Rear Adm. Chester Ward (Ret.); Gen. Robert Wood 
(Ret.); and Gen. C.A. Willoughby (Ret.). 

119. Frank P. Mintz, The Liberty Lobby and the American Right: Race, Conspiracy, and 
Culture (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1985), pp. 4-5; Rig/it, 
Sept. 1960, p. 5. 

120. Turner, p. 211. 

121. Coalition Insider, Nov.-Dec. 1980, p. 2 . Coalition Insider is an organ of the 
Coalition for Peace Through Strength. For subsequent quotes, all from this 
edition of Coalition Insider: on showings of "The Salt Syndrome," p. 3; on 
"super-dove" McGovem, p. 2; on the South Dakota race, p. 3; on ASC PAC 
Abdnor contribution, p. 4; on Singlaub and Grassley campaign, pp. 4-5; on 
DAmato campaign, pp. 4-5; on Church as architect of intelligence system 
destruction, p. 5; on Church and Soviet supremacy, pp. 4, 5, 7; on ASC aiding 
67 candidates, p. 4; and on ASC PAC contributions to other campaigns, p. 4. 

122. Interview with Dr. Richard Kolm at his Washington, D.C. home, May 21, 
1985; "Szaz's springboard" quote is from a confidential interview. 

123. The names of NCAEG affiliates were provided by Z. Michael Szaz in a 
telephone interview on May 20, 1985 and by Dr. Richard Kolm. 

124. Alexander Ronnett, Romanian Nationalism: The Legionary Movement (Chi- 
cago: Loyola University Press, 1974). The book's cover has the Iron Guard 
symbol on it. 

125. SeeComeliuZ. Codreanu, For My Legionaries, trans. (1936; Madrid: Editura 
"Libertatea," 1977). Codreanu was the founder and ideological leader of the 
Iron Guard. This book, written in 1936, is the Guard's Mein Kampf. The 
English translation is available from Liberty Bell, a neo-Nazi publisher and 
book distributorship at P.O. Box 21, Reedy, W. Va., 25270. 

126. Blum, pp. 91-96; Hans Rogger and Eugen Weber, eds., The European Right 
(London: Weidenfeld 6k Nicolson, 1965), pp. 565-66; interview with Dennis 

127. Interview with Alexander Ronnett, Chicago, December 1984. 

1 28. Program for the seventh IHR Conference, held in Los Angeles on Feb. 15-17, 
1986. For the text of his speech, see Alexander Ronnett, M.D. and Faust 
Bradescu, Ph.D., "The Legionary Movement in Romania," Journal of Historical 
Review, Summer 1986, pp. 193-228. The Journal of Historical Review is pub- 
lished by IHR. 

1 29. Interview with Ronnett. Also, WACL documents and interviews with Iron 
Guard delegates to 1985 WACL conference. Ronnett was WACL delegate for 
many years. 

130. Austin J. App, The Six Million Swindle (Tacoma Park, Maryland: Boniface 
Press, 1973), available from the Institute for Historical Review, 1822 1/2 
Newport Blvd., Suite 191, Costa Mesa, California, 92627. 

98 Old Nazis, The New Right, and the Republican Party 


131. Forster and Epstein, p. 229; Austin J. App, No Time /or Silence: Pleas far a Just 
Peace Over Four Decades (Costa Mesa, California: Institute for Historical 
Review, 1987), p. 62.; Austin J. App, Ravishing the Conquered Women of 
Europe, as cited by John Roy Carlson in The Plotters (New York: E.P. Dutton, 
1946), pp. 160-61. 

132. National Convention Program brochure, NCAEG, Washington, D.C., Sept. 
29-Oct. 1, 1983. 

133. Interview with Joseph Plonski at the Republican Heritage Groups Council 
convention in Los Angeles on June 25, 1986. Other statements in this section 
attributed to Plonski are also from this interview. 

134. William S. Turchyn and NCAEG, NJ Chapter, Victory Without Fear: A 
Response to OSl's " Nazi Hunting" Experiment (Rivington, New Jersey: 
NCAEG, 1985), p. 26. 

135. Washington Post, Nov. 21, 1971, p. A13. 

136. CCPA News & Views, Feb.-March 1983, p. 3. 

137. Rev. Anthony Cekada, Light on the OS] (Oyster Bay, New York: The Roman 
Catholic, n.d.; reprinted from the The Roman Catholic, December 1981). This 
article is a Catholic traditionalist examination of the Order. See also the cover 
page of Charles Pichel, History of the Hereditary Government of the Sovereign 
Order of St. )ohn of Jerusalem, 2nd cd. (Shickshinny, Pennsylvania: Maltese 
Cross Press, 1970), which traces the Knights of Malta from Jerusalem in 1050 
to the U.S.A. in 1908. 

138. Sander A. Diamond, The Nazi Movement in the United States: 1924-41 (Ithaca: 
Cornell University Press, 1974), pp. 1 16-17. 

139. Pichel, History of the Order of St. John, pp. 192-93. See, forexample, in Arnold 
Forster and Benjamin R. Epstein, Crosscurrents (Garden City, New York: 
Doubleday 6k Company, 1956), the descriptions of Pedro del Valle (p. 145), 
George Stratemeyer (p. 168), and Bonner Fellers (p. 163). Also, a number of 
figures named in Pichel's History of the Order of St. John were instrumental in 
setting up the Liberty Lobby. Edward von Rothkirch, a member of the Order, 
helped set up Truth-in-Press, a Liberty Lobby 501(c)3 tax-exempt group, and 
has worked with LaRouche for many years. 

140. Washington Post, Nov. 21, 1971, p. A13. 

141. "Western Goals Annual Report, 1981-82," Alexandria, Virginia, 1982; Kami 
Sitko, ABN Correspondence, March-April 1983, pp. 10-13. 

142. Wall Street Journal, Dec. 17, 1985, p. 16; Washington Post, Sept. 18, 1984, p. 
A2; and Washington Post, National Weekly Edition, Oct. 1, 1984, p. 12. 

143. "National Coalition for America's Survival: Human Rights and National 
Survival Program" brochure, Conservative Alliance, Washington, D.C., n.d. 
Arthur Jones and the America First Committee are listed both under "Promi- 
nent Individual Members" and "Organizational Members" in the brochure. 
According to the Washington Post, National Weekly Edition, Oct. 1, 1984, p. 
12, Wanen Richardson has been the lobbyist for CALL; his nomination by 
Reagan as general counsel for HEW was torpedoed in 1981 when it was 

Endnotes 99 


discovered that he worked for the Liberty Lobby for four years in the 1970's. 
Richardson is also the former Executive Director of CAUSA, Rev. Moon's 

144. New York Times, Oct. 12, 1985, p. 12. On June 28 and 29, 1986, Jones 
addressed a two-day Ku Klux Klan event planned to provoke confrontations in 
Chicago's racially tense southwest side Marquette Park and in the near-north 
shoreline area of Chicago where a Gay Pride Day march was ending. 

145. New York Times, April 17, 1938, p. E4; New York Times, August 4, 1966, p. 8; 
In Fact, Dec. 30, 1940, pp. 2-4; and In Fact, July 1, 1940, p. 2. 

146. Interviews with Sam Dickens, Washington, D.C., July 16, 1986; Curt Winsor, 
Washington, D.C., July 17, 1986; Constantine Menges, by telephone, April 
1986; and another who requested anonymity. The discussion and quotations 
which follow are, unless otherwise noted, based on these interviews. For 
information on Radio Free Americas, see New York Times, Feb. 21, 1967, pp. 

147. An anonymous interview. 

148. Washington Report, Oct. 1978, p. 8. Washington Report is published by ASC. 

149. John Fisher, "President's Report," ASC, Boston, Virginia, 1982. 

1 50. Rear Admiral Gene La Rocque, "Ronald Reagan Is No War Monger — But 
What about His Advisors?" press statement, Oct. 31, 1980. 

151. Interview with Dickens. 

152. "White House Hosts ASC Foundation Speakers Bureau Seminar," Washington 
Report, Sept. 1983, pp. 4-5. The event was August 25-26, 1983. 

153. Jenny Pearce, Under the Eagle (Boston: South End Press, 1984), pp. 175-80. 

154. Interview with David Taylor, by telephone, August 1986. 

155. Peace Through Strength Report, March 1985, p. 1. 

156. American Banker, May 11, 1987, p , 3; Jeffrey Zaslow, "Ex-officers of First 
Chicago Investigated in Possible Funds Diversion for Group," Wall Street 
Journal, May 11, 1987, p. 9. 

1 57. Interview with Matthias Lydon, by telephone, March 4, 1988. 

158. Peace Through Strength Report, July 1985, p. 2. 

159. New York Times, Jan. 29, 1988, p. All. 

160. "In Defense of America: A Campaign for Peace Through Strength" fund- 
raising brochure, ASC Foundation, Washington, D.C, [1984]. 

161. Ibid. 

162. ASC statement at Sept. 19, 1984 press conference sponsored by the Coalition 
for Peace Through Strength. 

163. Washington Report, Nov. 1983, p. 5. 

164. ASC press packet, Sept. 19, 1984. 

165. See (Lexington, North Carolina) Dispatch, March 26, 1986, p. 4 which reports 
1 00 Old Nazis, The new right, and the republican Party 


that Milton Croom "said this week he agrees with right-wing extremist 
Lyndon LaRouche on many issues, and was pleased LaRouche candidates had 
recently won primaries in Illinois." Also see NorthCarolinians against Racist 
and Religious Violence Report on the North Carolina Elections, May 7, 1986, 
which identifies Croom, who ran for the North Carolina Senate on the 
Democratic ticket, as a LaRouche candidate; corporate filing of station WTR1 
in Maryland; Washington Post, May 18, 1987, p. A16. 

166. See Dennis King, Nazis without Swastikas (New York: League for Industrial 
Democracy, 1983 ); Chip Berlet and Joel Bellman, Lyndon LaRouche: Fascism 
Wrapped in an American Flag (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Political Research 
Associates, forthcoming); and Broumshirtso/ the Seventies (Arlington, Virginia: 
Terrorist Information Project, n.d.), which is available from National Lawyers 
Guild, Civil Liberties Committee, 14 Beacon Street, #407, Boston, Massa- 
chusetts, 02108. 

167. "Populist Groups Get More States," Spotlight, August 20, 1984, p. 14 says that 
McConkey was state chair of the Populist Party. 

168. Leonard Zeskind, It's Not Populism (Atlanta, Georgia: National Anti-Klan 
Network, 1984), available from the Center for Democratic Renewal, P.O. Box 
50469, Atlanta, Georgia, 30302. For further background on the Populist Party, 
see also the author's article, "Fake Populism, Real Fascism," New America, 
Jan.-Feb. 1985, p. 12. 

169. A Strategy for Peace Through Strength (Boston, Virginia: ASC Foundation, 

170. Who's Who in America: 1984-85, Vol. 2. 

171. Joseph C. Goulden, The Death Merchant (New Yotk: Simon Si Schuster, 1984; 
Bantam, 1985), pp. 21, 27. 

172 . Jonathan Marshall, "The Friends of Michael Hand," Inquiry, Nov. 24, 1980, p. 
11. Also, Black wrote the chapter, "Structure for Strategy," on the National 
Security Council in A Forward Strategy for America, pp. xi, 359-95. Black's 
Who's Who in America entry omits the position in the Eisenhower administra- 

1 73. Who's Who in America: 1984-85, Vol. 2. 

1 74. Australia, Commonwealth-New South Wales Joint Task Force on Drug Traffick- 
ing: Reportof Royal Commission, Vol. 2, Nugan Hand (part l),June 1982, pp. 
298-299, 303-304 (hereafter cited as joint Task Force Report); Wall Street jour- 
nal front page series, August 24-26, 1982. 

175 . Wall Street journal, August 24-26, 1982; Joint Task Force Report, Vol. 4, pp. 

176. Joint Task Force Report, Vol. 4, p. 796. 

1 77. Joint Task Force Report, Vol. 4, pp. 796-97; see also Jonathan Kwitny, The 
Crimes of Patriots: A True Tale of Dope, Dirty Money, and the CIA (New York 
and London: W. W. Norton, 1987), pp. 120-21. 

178. National Strategy Committee letterhead, ASC, received Sept. 19, 1984. 

Endnotes ioi 

Notes for pages 5 1-55 

179. "Salute to Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick" dinner program, ASC Founda- 
tion, April 16, 1985, p. 3. 

180. Interview with John Fisher, Washington, D.C., July 16, 1986. 

181. Caspar Weinberger, "Introductory Remarks," Peace Through Strength Report, 
July 1985, p. 2. Includes another Reagan letter to ASC, commending the June 
4th event. 

182. Ibid., p. 2. 

183. Peace Through Strength Report, Jan. 1986, p. 3. 

1 84. Lee Norrgard and Joe Rosenbloom, 3rd, "The Cold Warriors," Common Cause 
Magazine, July-August 1985, pp. 14-19, esp. p. 19. 

185. John Fisher, "President's Report," ASC, Boston, Virginia, 1983. 

186. John Fisher, "President's Report," 1985. 

187. "ASCPAC Plays Vital Role," Peace Through Strength Report, August 1984, p. 8. 
On p. 6, the newsletter also says ASC helped to raise $186,000 for Cong. Bill 
Dickinson. Jack Kemp made a claim similar to Chappell's. 

188. "Quotable," Peace Through Strength Report, Winter 1987, p. 4. 

189. Liberty Lobby promotional brochure, Washington, D.C., n.d., with endorsing 
quote from Dickinson. 

190. U.S., Congress, Office of the Clerk of the House, Ethics in Government Act: 
Financial Disclosure Statement for 1984, 98th Cong., 2nd sess., 1984, attach- 
ment, p. 1. 

191. U.S., Congress, Office of the Clerk of the House, Ethics in Government Act: 
Financial Disclosure Statement for 1985, 99th Cong., 1st sess., 1985, attach- 
ment, p. 1. 

192. Financial Disclosure Statement for 1984, attachment, p. 1. 

193. National Security Report, June 1987, pp. 4-5. 

194. Norrgard and Rosenbloom, p. 14. 

195. St. Louis Globe Democrat, March 15, 1986. 

196. Turner, p. 202. G. Duncan Bauman, formerly the publisher of the now 
defunct Globe Democrat, has been on the ASC's National Strategy Committee 
for years, according to ASC letterhead, received Sept. 19, 1984. 

197. Coalition Insider, Nov.-Dec. 1980, p. 7. Wall Street journal, Nov. 1, 1984, p. 
30, in an editorial, attacked the AFL-CIO for supporting candidates with low 
ASC ratings. 

198. Monthly Reports of PAC Campaign Financing, Federal Election Commission, 
Form 3X, Schedule B. 

199. Turner, p. 211. 

200. La Rocque, "Reagan Is No War Monger." 

201. Washington Post, Nov. 4, 1984, p. A8. 

102 Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party 


202. CCA corporate records, State of Virginia; CCA brochure, Boston, Virginia, 
n.d., shows Steve and Linda Fisher as president of CCA and president of 
CCA's subsidiaries respectively. Their father, John M. Fisher, is listed as the 
chairman of CCA. 

203. Interview with John Fisher, Boston, Virginia, July 16, 1985; Norrgard and 
Rosenbloom, pp. 16-17. 

204. Interview with John Fisher, Washington, D.C., July 16, 1986. 

205. Interview with Jay Winek, by telephone, Sept. 1984. The ASC had listed the 
Coalition for a Democratic Majority as a member organization of the Coalition 
for Peace Through Strength without CDM's permission, according to Winek. 
After several years of letters asking the ASC to desist, CDM's name was 
dropped from the 1985 list. 

206. Wall Street Journal, Sept. 28, 1984, p. 46. 

207. E. L. Anderson, "Northern League Notes," Right, Feb. 1959, p. 6. Carto used 
the pen name E. L. Anderson with Right and its successors, such as Western 
Destiny. Carto's use of this alias is mentioned in one of the best articles on his 
operations, C. H. Simonds, "The Strange Story of Willis Carto," National 
Review, Sept. 10, 1971, pp. 978-89, esp. p. 982. Anderson as Carto alias also 
confirmed to this writer by former Liberty Lobby official. 

208. Right promoted an international pagan-racial gathering scheduled for July 
1959 that was organized by Pearson. See also "The Northern League" (Lon- 
don) Searchlight, June 1984, p. 9; "Reagan Praises Leading Fascist" (London) 
Searchlight, Sept. 1984, p. 2. 

209. Right, Sept. 1960, p. 5, which also says, of the Nazis, "Their critics should 
consider that at this late date, only a hard-core group of fanatically-determined 
young men can possibly save the White Race." 

210. "Roger Pearson to Tour United States," Right, June 1959, p. 1. 

211. "Reagan Praises Leading Fascist," Searchlight, pp. 3-4, which reproduces the 
masthead of the Nov. 1965 Western Destiny. 

212. Ibid. 

213. Roger Pearson, Race and Civilization (London: Clair Press, 1966), title page. 

214. Robert Wistrich, Who's Who in Nazi Germany (New York: Macmillan, 1982), 
pp. 114-15. 

215. Roger Pearson, Eugenics and Race (London: Clair Press, 1966), p. 26. 

216. For example, NS Publications, P.O. Box 88, Arlington, Virginia, 22210. 

217. Wall Street Journal, Sept. 28, 1984, p. 46. 

218. Edwin J. Feulner, Jr., ed., China — The Turning Point (Washington, D.C.: 
Council on American Affairs, 1976). Other topics include anti-union themes 
(3 monographs), Southern Africa (also 3 monographs), Korea, and Social 


219. Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson, Inside the League (New York: Dodd, 
Mead & Co., 1986), pp. 92-97. 

Endnotes 103 

Notes for pages 61-64 

220. Journal of International Relations, Winter 1977, title page. John M. Fisher was 
the publisher. 

221. American Foreign Policy Institute letterhead, n.d. Confirmed in telephone 
interview with Eldridge Dubrow on Sept. 26, 1984. 

222. Washington Post, May 28, 1978, p. CI. 

223. "Eleventh WACL Conference Proceedings," Washington, D.C, 1978. 

224. Ernest van den Haag, "Intelligence or Prejudice?" National Review, Dec. 1, 
1964, pp. 1059-63; Washington Post, May 21, 1964, p. A8. 

225. "International Association for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics," 
Group Research Organizations Directory, Dec. 17, 1969, pp. 6-7. 

226. Conservative Digest, letter to subscribers, Dec. 26, 1989; Nouvelle Ecole 
letterhead, June 1979. 

227. The two officials, Clint Bolickand Maxwell Miller, are listed in Journal of 
Political and Economic Studies, Fall 1984. 

228. Universitas (UPAO Newsletter), Oct. 1984, pp. 1, 3; Barry Mehler, "Rightist 
on the Rights Panel," The Nation, May 7, 1988, p. 641. 

229. Lubomyr R. Wynar, Encyclopedic Directory of Ethnic Organizations in the United 1 
States (Littleton, Colorado: Libraries Unlimited, 1975), p. 150. 

230. Ralph Scott, "The Bookshelf: The Dispossessed Majority," Voice of Americans of 
German Descent, Oct. 1975, p 4. 

231. Mehler, "Rightist on the Rights Panel," The Nation, May 7, 1988, p. 641; Des 
Moines Register, July 13, 1988, p. 4A. 

232. New York Times, Dec. 1 1 , 1977, p. 76; according to Pioneer Fund, Inc., U.S. 
Federal Income Tax Return, Form 990-PF, 1976, Pearson's Institute for the 
Study of Man received $4,000 for the "study of American Anglo-Saxon school 

233. New York Times, Dec. 11, 1977, p. 76; Washington Post, March 31, 1985, pp. 
Al, A16. 

234. "International Association for the Advancement of Ethnology and Eugenics," 
p. 7; Application for Recognition of Exemption, Internal Revenue Service, 
Form 1023, submitted by Institute for the Study of Man, May 25, 1975. 

235. Secret Military Assistance to /ran and the Contras: A Chronology of Events and 
Individuals (Washington, D.C.: National Security Archives, 1987), p. 1 14. 

236. Helms staffer Clifford Kiracofe, former staffer James McClellan, and Sam 
Crutchfield are on the masthead of Pearson's Journal of Social, Political and Eco- 
nomic Studies, Fall 1984. 

237. See Alfonse D'Amato, Press Release, July 31, 1984, for this proposed wording; 
the final version appears in the published GOP platform, "Republican Party: 
America's Future Free and Secure," Committee on Resolutions to the Republi- 
can National Convention, August 20, 1984, p. 41. 

238. D'Amato Press Release, July 31, 1984. 

1 04 Old Nazis, The New Right, and the Republican Party 


239. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 83, 1 54. 

240. Washington Post, May 28, 1978, p. CI. 

241. Washington Post, Jan. 12-13, 23, 26, and 30, 1984; Feb. 9 and 18. 

242. Charles Goldman, ed. [pseud.], "World Anti-Communist League," The Public 
Eye, Vol. 2, Nos. 1-2 ( 1979), pp. 18-27. This article was adapted from a 
translation of an article by Henrik Kruger in Erik Jensen and Petter 
Sommerfelt, eds., Under Daekke [Under Cover] (Copenhagen: Demos, 1978). 

243. Robert Boettcher with Gordon L. Freeman, Gifts of Deceit: Sun M}iung Moon, 
Tongsun Park, and the Korean Scandal (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 
1980), pp. 31-34, 338, 343, 348-350. 

244. Tan Tien, "Special Report: Establishment of the American Council for World 
Freedom," Asian Outlook, April 1970, pp. 34-35. 

245. The WACL Bulletin, Sept. 1 98 1 , photo section and p. 70. 

246. "General John Singlaub — Our Guest," ABN Correspondence, July-Oct. 1982, 
p. 97. 

247. "United Strength for Peace with Freedom for All" program, Seventeenth 
WACL conference, San Diego, California, Sept. 4, 1984, p. 10. 

248. Singlaub interview on Sept. 6, 1984 at the 1984 WACL conference. 

249. New York Times, May 22, 1987, p. A13.; Holly Sklar, Washington's War on 
Nicaragua (Boston: South End Press, 1988), p. 229. 

250. Los Angeles Times, Dec. 20, 1986, p. 33; James Ridgeway, "Et tu, Singlaub? 
(Moving Target)," Village Voice, Dec. 30, 1986, p. 20. 

251. Spotlight, April 1 1, 1988, masthead. 

252. Julian Sher, White Hoods: Canada's Ku Klux Klan (Vancouver: New Star 
Books, 1983), p. 78; Toronto Star, Oct. 8, 1983, p. B8. 

253. From introduction to Taylor's speech by Robert Miles at Oct. 5-6, 1985 
meeting of Aryan Nations in Cohoctah, Michigan. Attended by author. 

254. The above mentioned meeting was a commemoration of those neo-Nazi Order 
members killed in a shootout with local and federal agents. For additional 
coverage of the event, see New York Times, Oct. 12, 1985, p. 12. 

255. Robert Parry, "Reagan Said t o O K Private Aid Plan fo r Contras," Associated 
Press wire story, Washington dateline, Oct. 7, 1985. 

256. See ABN Correspondence, July-August 1983, front and back covers, for photos 
of the White House meeting. 

257. John Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 2nd ed. (New York: Columbia 
University Press, 1963), pp. 73-84. 

258. Phillip Friedman, Roads to Extinction: Essays on the Holocaust (Philadelphia: 
Jewish Publication Society of America, and New York: Conference on Jewish 
Social Studies, 1980), pp. 176-83. 

259. For example, the Organization for Defense of Four Freedoms for the Ukraine 
(ODFFU), according to confidential interviews with OUN members. 

Endnotes 105 


Ukrainian Review is published in the U.S. by ODFFU and the editor is Slava 

260. Ukrainian Quarterly , Summer 1 984, p. 2 1 4 mentions Nestercuz' UCCA affilia- 
tion and other ethnic activism. 

261 . Interview with Bohdan Futey, Washington, D.C., May 17, 1985; Ukrainian 
Quarterly, Summer 1984, pp. 215-16. 

262. Confidential interview, OUN-B member. 

263. The campaign stop was widely reported. See Ukrainian Newsletter ( the organ of 
the World Conference of Free Ukrainians, the international body in which all 
Ukrainian factions participate), Nov.-Dec. 1984, pp. 3, 7. It reports on the 
Reagan visit and notes that Fedorak was elected to the Presidium of the 
UCCA Executive Committee. Fedorak was also Toastmaster at a UCCA 
banquet where Jeane Kirkpatrick received a "Shevchenko Freedom Award." 

264. Fedorak attended the 1984 and 1985 WACL meetings in the U.S. His name 
appears on lists of previous WACL meetings. 

265. "UCCA Calls for Congressional Hearings into OSI," Ukrainian Review, Sum- 
mer 1985, p. 96. Ukrainian Review is an OUN magazine. 

266. Invitation to Committee for Security and Cooperation in Europe Forum, 
signed by Ambassador-Designate Warren Zimmerman [1986]. 

267. Ibid. 

268. Ukrainian Quarterly, Editorial Advisory Board, Spring 1984. 

269. Confidential interview with OUN member; list of Republican Heritage 
Groups Council leaders. 

270. List of groups made available to the author for notetaking purposes only, at 
1985 WACL meeting. 

271. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 20-25, 152-55. 

272. World Jewish Congress press statement, Dec. 9, 1985, p. 2; Joe Conason, 
"Reagan and the War Crimes Lobby," Village Voice, May 14, 1985, pp. 20-23; 
UNIS press releases of April 4 and April 19, 1985 (UNIS is the Washington, 
D.C. affiliate of UCCA); and many articles in Ukrainian Quarterly, the UCCA 
publication. See, for example, an article that attacks OSI and praises the 
Waffen SS (as defenders of freedom) in Edward M. O'Connor, "Our Open 
Society under Attack by the Despotic State," Ukrainian Quarterly, Spring 
1984, pp. 17^t9, esp. pp. 48-49. 

273. Sayers and Kahn, pp. 80-88; Dallin, pp. 1 14-15; Armstrong, pp. 35, 50, 73-74. 

274. Sayers and Kahn, pp. 80-98; Dallin, p. 115, n. 3, which cites German intelli- 
gence reports; Simpson, Blowback, pp. 160-63. 

275. Armstrong, p. 38. 

276. Ibid. 

277. Ibid., p. 77. 

278. Dawidowicz, p. 377. 

1 0 6 Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party 


279. Ibid. 

280. Ibid., p. 544. 

281. Friedman, pp. 176-208,244-321. 

282. Armstrong, p. 83. 

283. ABN literature cites Nov. 21-22, 1943 as the founding dates of ABN. A 40th 
anniversary commemorative booklet, "Freedom for Nations and for the Indi- 
vidual" (Ukrainian Cultural Center, Warren, Michigan, Nov. 27, 1983) gives 
a brief version of their history of ABN's origins. For a rejoinder to the OUN/ 
ABN version, see Dallin, pp. 620-25. 

284. Wasyl Veryha, "General Pavlo Shandruk," Ukrainian Quarterly, Summer 
1984, pp. 164-77; Dallin, p. 625. 

285. Wynar.p. 377. 

286. ABN Correspondence, July-August 1983, front cover. 

287. Bernadine Bailey, Captive Nations (Chicago: Chas. Hallberg Si Co., 1969), p. 

288. Ibid., p. xi. 

289. Ibid., pp. 29-36, 118, 130-34, 170. 

290. Confidential interview. 

291. Bailey, p. 32. On p. 28, Bailey says communism is "a convenient tool or catch 
word" used by "Russian imperialists." 

292. Interview with Nicolas Nazarenko. 

293. "On the 40th Anniversary of the Establishment of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of 
Nations," ABN Correspondence, July-August 1983, p. 1; Dallin, p. 624. 

294. Niko Nakashidze, The TruthaboutABN (Munich: ABN Press and Informa- 
tion Bureau, 1960), p. 14. Although the ABN claims a direct lineage from the 
1943 Committee of Subjugated Nations (CSN), some scholars emphasize that 
the CSN went through a variety of splits and reorganizations immediately after 
WWII, and that ABN did not emerge in its current manifestation until several 
years after the war. 

295. Anderson and Anderson, p. 45. 

296. "Death of a Great Croatian Intellectual and Politician," ABN Correspondence, 
May-August 1986, p. 97; Anderson and Anderson, pp. 25-29. 

297. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 40-4 1 . 

298. Joseph Rothschild, East Central Europe Between the Two World Wars (Seattle: 
University of Washington Press, 1974), p. 317; Rogger and Weber, p. 567, 
Anderson and Anderson, p. 20. 

299. "About the Contributors," Journal of Historical Review, Summer 1986, p. 254. 
See a picture album commemorating the 50th anniversary reunion of the Iron 
Guard: Legiunea in lmagini (Madrid: Iron Guard, 1976), p. 1 16, photo #11; see 
also p. 345 for a photo of Ronnetr honoring the Bulgarian National Front in 

Endnotes 107 


1975 for the 1941 assistance of the BNF (then the Bulgarian Legion) during 
the Iron Guard's escape from Romania, following their failed coup attempt. 

300. WMAQ-TV (NBC) Chicago, "The Chicago Controversy," Evening News, 
May 11-12, 1987. Transcript in Appendices. 

301. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 72, 138—41. 

302. Executive Board of the World Youth Anti-Communist League, "For a Heroic 
Concept of Life," ABN Correspondence, Sept.-Dec. 1983, p. 90. 

303. Ibid., p. 91. 

304. Martin Lee and Kevin Coogan, "Killers on the Right: Inside Europe's Fascist 
Underground," Mother Jones, May 1987, pp. 40-54. 

305. ABN Correspondence, May-August 1984, p. 73. 

306. Ibid. , back cover. 

307. Congressional Record, July 14, 1986, p. E2388-89; Chicago Tribune, July 18, 
1986, p.22. 

308. U.S. Counterintelligence Corps (CIC), Consolidated Guidance Report, Febru- 
ary 1948, p. 50; Encyclopedia of Associations, 3rd ed. (Detroit: Gale Research, 

309. Ad in Darbininkas , a Lithuanian newspaper, Sept. 7, 1984, p. 4. 

310. Ibid. 

311. The Campaign Against the U.S. Justice Department's Prosecution of Suspected 
Nazi War Criminals (New York: Anti-Defamation League, 1985), p. 12. 
(Hereafter cited as ADL Special Report) 

312. ADL Special Report, pp. 31, 37-38. 

313. List of groups provided to this writer in 1985 for notetaking purposes only. 

314. Dr. Juozas Prunskis, Lithuania's Jews and the Holocaust (Chicago: Lithuanian 
American Council, 1979), pp. 16-19. 

315. Danielius Ralys, The Chosen People: A Look into the Past (Canada: Alpha-Book 
Publishers, 1986), pp. 185-93. 

316. Charles Pichel, Samogitia (Wilkes-Barrc, Pennsylvania: Maltese Cross Press, 
1975), pp. 5-7. 

317. Ibid., pp. 294. 

318. CCJS telegram to Attorney General Edward Meese, Sept. 8, 1985. 

319. "Justice Department Passivity Held Responsible for Recent Terrorist Bomb- 
ings of East Coast Ethnic Homes," CCJS Press Release, Sept. 9, 1985. 

320. Kevin Freeman, "WJC Charges Emigre Groups are Thwarting OSI Activities," 
Daily News Bulletin, Jewish Telegraph Agency, April 3, 1985, p. 3. 

321. Interview with John Fisher; confirmed by other sources. 

322. John Stockwell, In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story (New York: W.W. Norton, 
1978); contemporary news reports. 

1 08 Old Nazis, The new Right, and the republican Party 


323. Interview with John Fisher. 

324. "Clark Amendment Repealed: A Victory for Freedom," Peace Through Strength 
Report, August 1985, p. 1. 

325. Ibid., pp. 1-2. 

326. Anthony Lewis, "How to Isolate America," New York Times, May 19, 1987, p. 

327. "Southern Africa: The Fateful Struggle" report, ASC, 1979. The trip was 
conducted from March 24 to April 10, 1979. 

328. Ibid. , p. 2; Stephen Orpen, "Secret Funds, Unanswered Questions," To the 
Point International, Dec. 1, 1978, p. 55. To the Point (founded in 1972, it 
became To the Point International in 1974) was closely identified with the 
South African regime. 

329. Orpen, "Secret Funds," p. 55. 

330. Washington Post, Jan. 8, 1979, p. CI. 

331. Washington Post, March 15, 1981, p. A13. 

332. New York Times, March 15, 1981, p. 1. 

333. New York Times, March 24, 1981, p. A6; New York Times, March 25, 1981, 
p. 4. 

334. Washington Post, March 15, 1981, p. A 13. 

335. New York Times, March 22, 1981, sec. IV, p. 2. 

336. National Student Federation of South Africa untitled report, issued by Stu- 
dent Moderate Alliance (Univ. of Witwatersrand), Students Action Front 
(Univ. of Natal, Pletermaritzburg) and Moderate Student Movement (Univ. 
of Cape Town), 1985, p. 10. 

337. Ibid., p. 11. 

338. Ibid., pp. 13, 17. 

339. For example, New American, Jan. 27, 1986, p. 32; "South Africa '87: 12th 
Annual Financial Geopolitical Tour," Conservative Caucus direct mailing, 

340. Grassroots, the newsletter of the Conservative Caucus, August 1985, devoted 
its 8 tabloid pages to advocating apartheid interests. 

341 . An ad calling for Crocker's firing, signed by Abramoff , appeared in Conserva- 
tive Digest, May 1985, p. 18. 

342. Interview with CNP member. 

343. CNP membership list; Board of Governors Mailing List, CNP, Baton Rouge, 
Louisiana, 1984, pp. 1, 11, 21, 26, 28. 

344. Interview with CNP member, background only; Board of Governors Mailing 
List, p. 7. 

345. From source close to CNP. 

Endnotes 109 

Notes for pages 83-86 

346. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 83, 253. 

347. Spotlight. March 28, 1988, masthead. 

348. Ivor Benson, "The Siege of South Africa," Journal of Historical Review, Spring 
1986, pp. 5-20; "Seventh International Revisionist Conference A Smashing 
Success," Institute o/ Historical Review Newsletter, Feb. 1986, p.l. 

349. Benson, "The Siege of South Africa," esp. pp. 9-10, 13-14. 

350. See generally Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Cen- 
tral America (New York: W.W. Norton, 1983) and Jenny Pearce, Under the 
Eagle (Boston: South End Press, 1984). 

351. Washington Report, August 1979, p. 2. 

352. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 174-75. 

353. Jack Anderson, "Death Squads Have Permeated Latin America," Washington 
Post, Jan. 13, 1984, p. El 2; Jack Anderson, "Latin Terrorists' Leader Retains 
Support of CIA," Washington Post, Jan. 30, 1984, p. B32. 

354. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 217—41; Jack Anderson, "Assassin Calls Death 
Squads Part of Network," Washington Post, Jan. 23, 1984, p. B30; Jack Ander- 
son, " 'Death Squads' Continue Despite U.S. Pressures," Washington Post, Jan. 
26, 1984, p. Md. 15. 

355. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 223-24. 

356. Ibid., p. 223. 

357. Ibid. , p. 203. In the New York Times, March 4, 1981, p. 1, D'Aubussion says 
he's met with and maintained contact with Lt. Gen. Dan Graham, among 

358. Samuel T. Dickens, "El Salvador's Roberto D'Aubuisson," Peace Through 
Strength Report, July 1984, p. 2. See p. 4 of the same Report for photos. 

359. Peace Through Strength Report, Winter 1987, p. 2. 

360. Eagle, Feb. 1984, p. 18. 

361. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 169-74. 

362. Washington Post, Feb. 22, 1981, p. C7. 

363. Neil Livingstone, "Fighting Fire with Fire," Worldand I, March 1986, p. 96. 
World and I is published by the Washington Times, which is under the control of 
the Rev. Sun Myung Moon. Its editor is Morton Kaplan, who has been one of 
Moon's top collaborators in the U.S., especially as chairman of the Interna- 
tional Conference for Unity of the Sciences. Kaplan has praised Moon as a 
great religious leader. According to the "Special Report on the American 
Security Council," May 25, 1962, by Group Research, Kaplan is also a long- 
time associate of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, discussed earlier in this 
paper. In 1988, he is still listed on the masthead of FPRI's Orbis. 

364. Ibid., p. 95. 

365. New York Times, May 15, 1987, p. A12; Miami Herald, June 8, 1986, p. A26; 
Wall Street Journal, May 21, 1987, p. 1. 

1 10 Old Nazis, the new right, and the republican Party 


366. New York Times, Jan. 12, 1987, pp. Al, A6; see also Neil Livingstone, 
"What Ollie North Told Me Before He Took the Fifth," National Review, Jan. 
30, 1987, p. 37. 

367. U.S., 100th Cong., 1st sess., 1988, Appendix A: Vol. 1; Source Documents, 
pp. 634-37. 

368. Interview with Dickens. 

369. Samuel Dickens, "When Dialog Reeks of Treachery," Replica, Dec. 1984-Jan. 
1985, p. 29. 

370. Samuel Dickens, "Campaign of Attacks on the Salvadoran Army Launched 
by Leftist Human Rights Defense Organization," Replica, March 1985, pp. 

371. Anderson and Anderson, pp. 7 1-81; Craig Pyes, Salvadoran Rightists: The 
Deadly Patriots (Albuquerque: Albuquerque Journal, 1984), pp. 11-12. This 
booklet is a reprint of a series of articles by Pyes which ran in the Albuquerque 
Journal from Dec. 18 to Dec. 22, 1983. 

372. Interview with Alexander Ronnett; Potomac, Jan. 15, 1979, pp. 1-3, 15-16, 
24. Potomac is published by Ronnett in Mt. Prospect, Illinois. 

373. "New Chile Pleads for Fair Treatment in U.S. Press," Voice of Americans of 
German Descent, November 12, 1974, p. 3. 

374. Codreanu, p. viii. 

375. Magnus Linklater, Isabel Hilton, and Neal Acherson, The Nazi Legacy (New 
York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1984), pp. 2 1 5-3 19. 

376. Singlaub biographical statement, Roni Hicks Advertising and Public Rela- 
tions, San Diego, California, n.d., distributed at the 1984 WACL Conference; 
Anderson and Anderson, pp. 150-151; Eagle, Feb. 1984, p. 20; Anthony 
Herbert with James T. Wooten, Soldier (New York: Holt, Rinehart and 
Winston, 1973), pp. 103-104, which discusses Singlaub's role in what later 
became known as Operation Phoenix. 

377. ABC-TV, "Phil Donahue Show," Sept. 30, 1985. 




Ambruster, Howard Watson. Treason's Peace. New York: Beechhurst Press, 1947. 

Borkin, Joseph. The Crime and Punishment ofl.G. Farben. New York: Free Press, 

Higham, Charles. Trading with the Enemy New York: Delacorte Press, 1983. 

Pool, James and Pool, Suzanne. Who Financed Hitler. New York: Dial Press, 1978. 

Reiss, Curt. The Nazis Go Underground. New York: Doubleday, Doran and Co., 

Thyssen, Fritz. / Paid Hitler, New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1941. 


Allen, Charles R. Nazi War Criminals in America: Facts.. . Action. New York: 
Highgate House, 1985. 

Blum, Howard. Wanted! The Search for Nazis in America. New York: Quadrangle, 

Lasby, Clarence. Project Paperclip. New York: Atheneum, 1971. 

Simpson, Christopher. Blowback: U.S. Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the 
Cold War. New York: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1988. 


Diamond, Sander A. The Nazi Movement in the United States 1 924—4 1 . Ithaca, 
New York: Cornell University Press, 1974. 

Kennedy, Stetson. Southern Exposure. New York: Doubleday, 1946. 
Lavine, Harold. The Fifth Column in America. New York: Doubleday, 1 940. 

Selected Bibliography 113 

Magil, A.B. and Stevens, Henry. Perils of Fascism. New York: International 
Publishers, 1938. 

Piller, E.A. Time Bomb. New York: Arco, 1945. 

Sayers, Michael and Kahn, Albert. Sabotage! New York: Harper, 1942; Lev 
Gleason Publications, 1943. 

Smith, Geoffrey S. To Save a Nation. New York: Basic Books, 1973. 

Spivak, John L. Secret Armies. New York: Modern Age, 1939. 

Seldes, George. In Fact, 4 vols. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Reprint 
Corporation, 1970. This is a reprint of In Fact, a weekly periodical edited by 
George Seldes, published from 1940-1950. 


Clabaugh, Gary K. Thunder on the Right: The Protestant Fundamentalists. Chicago: 
Nelson-Hall, 1974. 

Forstcr, Arnold. A Measure of Freedom. New York: Doubleday, 1950. 
Mclntyrc, Thomas J. The Fear Brokers. Boston: Beacon Press, 1979. 
Saloma, John S., 111. Ominous Politics. New York: Hill & Wang, 1984. 
Sanders, Jerry W. Peddlers of Crisis. Boston, Massachusetts: South End Press, 1983. 
Turner, William. Power on the Right. Berkeley, California: Ramparts Press, 1971. 


Boettcher, Robert. Gifts of Deceit. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1980. 

Horowitz, Irving L, ed. Science, Sin and Scholarship — The Politics of Reverend Moon 
and the Unification Church. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1978. 

U.S., Congress, House, Committee on International Relations, Subcommitee on 
International Organizations. Investigation of fCorean-American Relations Report, 
2 vols. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1978. 


Anderson, Scott and Anderson, Jon Lee. Inside the League: The Shocking Expose of 
How Terrorists, Nazis, and Latin American Death Squads Have Infiltrated the World 
Anti-Communist League. New York: Dodd-Mead, 1986. 

Codreanu, Comeliu Z. For My Legionaries. Madrid, Spain: Editura Libertatea, 
1976. This is an English translation of the original 1936 work. 

Cook, Fred J. The Warfare State. New York: MacMillan, 1962; Collier Books, 1964, 

Eisenberg, Dennis. The Re-emergence of Fascism. South Brunswick, New Jersey: 
A.S. Barnes, 1968. 

Sklar, Holly. Washington's War on Nicaragua. Boston: South End Press, 1988. 

114 Old Nazis, The New Right, and the Republican Party 


The Chicago Controversy 


WMAQ-TV (NBC) Chicago 

Evening News , Unit 5 Report 
Broadcast Date: May 10, 1987 
Peter Karl, Reporter — Marsha Bartel, Producer 
© 1987, WMAQ-TV News — All Rights Reserved 
Transcript prepared by Political Research Associates . 

PETER KARL: There are many private citizens who are working hard 
to support the contras. We have found some of them have ties to Nazi 
Germany. Working through groups who wave the banner of anti- 
communism, some have the ear of foreign policy makers, and some don't 
like to talk openly about their past. 

The N icaraguan contras needed money. So national security advisor Lt. 
Col. Oliver North made it his job to get it. And, according to the Tower 
Commission report, North turned to this man, retired General John 
Singlaub, for help. 

[Screen: J 985 J 

Appendix l 

— The Chicago Controversy 1 1 5 

JOHN SINGLAUB: I represent hundreds of thousands of Americans 
who are sympathetic to your cause, and want to help. 

KARL: In 1985, Singlaub promised the Nicaraguan contras the backing 
of the Americans. He turned to a private network of anticommunist 
organizations for help — some right here in Chicago. 

[Screen: Dr. Alexander Ronnett, Contra Fundraiser] 

ALEXANDER RONNETT: 1 consider myself a freedom fighter. 

KARL: Dr. Alexander Ronnett is a Chicago area doctor. He is actively 
involved in a number of anticommunist groups working for the contras. 

RONNETT: If they do want to struggle for liberty, they deserve the help 
of anybody that understands the situation politically. 

KARL: Ronnett provided both moral and financial support to the 
contras. He traveled overseas to raise money. His journey brought him into 
the offices of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet, and into the White 

KARL: Have you ever been invited to the White House? 

RONNETT: Many times, yes. 

PETER KARL: For briefings? 

RONNETT: Yes, almost every month. ..twice... 

KARL: On national security and all that sort of stuff? 


KARL: You've been invited? 


KARL: For what purpose ? 

RONNETT: To attend, to be briefed on certain situations... 
(fade under) 

KARL: But who is Dr. Alexander Ronnett? A Unit 5 investigation 
reveals that he belongs to a controversial organization that dates back to the 
days before World War II. It was called the Legion of the Archangel 
Michael. According to these counterintelligence reports, it was an extreme 
right, shock organization that used criminal means to achieve its goals. It 
was labeled as anti-Semitic and fascist. 

The Legion was also known as the Iron Guard. It began in Romania in 
the 1 930's. Its members swore blood oaths in support of its leaders. The goal 
of the Iron Guard was to purify the Romanian race; and to that end, the 
Guard supported the Nazis — and worked to rid Romania of communists and 

Efraim Zuroff is with the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Israel. 

116 Old Nazis, the New right, and the republican Party 

EFRAIM ZUROFF: They were very xenophobic, very anti-Semitic. 
Their agenda was the exclusion of Jews, from Romanian politics, from 
Romanian life . . . they viewed the Jews as an enemy. 

KARL: According to this document from the Simon Wiesenthal Cen- 
ter, Dr. Alexander Ronnett's name is on the list of Iron Guard members who 
were active during World War II. The list was turned over to the Justice 
Department. The Justice Department says it could not comment specifically 
on the report. 

[Screen shows list of names: Dt. Alexandru Ronette-Rahmistriuc] 

RONNETT: You can put a lot of things on paper, you can make a lot of 
accusations — and it is how you resolve them, that is the essence. And as it 
stands today, in my opinion the Justice Department of the United States is 
the injustice department. 

KARL: Ronnett says he never was a member of the Legionnaires in 
Romania, but admits to being a strong supporter of the Legionnaires today. 
His office is lined with symbols representing the Legion. Ronnett says he's 
rewriting history to favor his point of view. His books talk about the Jewish 
menace in Romania in the 1930's and 40's. Quote: 

"Because their exclusive and hoarding mentality had broken the finan- 
cial and commercial equilibrium of the country and because by means of 
corruption and hidden pressures, the Jewish community had become a 
veritable state within a state." 

RONNETT: Economy and politics go hand in hand, you cannot sepa- 
rate them. So who has the money, who has the economical power, will 
control the political arena, too. 

KARL: So you wanted to limit the number of Jews who were in power? 

RONNETT: That's right . . . or . . . not eliminate them. It's just curtail 
their influence . . . economical influence. 

PETER KARL: You should know that Dr. Ronnett was very active in 
the Reagan/Bush campaign in 1984, but he has taken an autographed 
picture of President Reagan off his wall because he disagrees now with the 
President's handling of the Iran-contra affair. Those involved in the Chi- 
cago Controversy are small in number, and we don't mean or intend to paint 
ethnic groups with the broad brush of anti-Semitism or fascism. Tomorrow 
at ten, more on the Chicago Controversy, and the Nazi connection. 

(transition from report on Iran-contra hearings) 

appendix l — The Chicago Controversy 1 1 7 

The Chicago Controversy 


WMAQ-TV (NBC) Chicago 

Evening News, Unit 5 Report 
Broadcast Date: May 11,1987 
Peter Karl, Reporter — Marsha Battel, Producer 
© 1987, WMAQ-TV News — All Rights Reserved 
Transcript prepared by Political Research Associates. 

RON MAGERS: . . . what Robert McFarlane and others did was try to 
find some private money to aid the contra cause, and some of the private 
money, and support, came from Chicago. 

CAROL MARIN: Peter Karl and Unit 5 have learned the contra 
connection goes from Chicago all the way back to the Nazis of World War 
II. Peter . . . 

PETER KARL: Carol and Ron, the Reagan Administration may be 
surprised to learn about the background of some of the people they did 
business with to deliver aid to the contras. 

Go back in time forty years to World War II. Many Eastern European 
countries had a common goal: stop Russia and communism, no matter what 
the cost. And for at least some period, many turned to the Nazis for support. 
Now forty years later, it's a similar story in Nicaragua. They call themselves 
freedom fighters, and they are vowing to stop communism, no matter what 
the cost. 

A Unit 5 investigation has found that some people with ties to Nazi 
Germany forty years ago are members of groups actively providing support to 
the N icaraguan contras today. Even more surprising, some of those groups 
are right here. 

[Screen: John Loftus, Former Investigator] 

JOHN LOFTUS: Well, the Nazis didn't go away. They are in Chicago. 
They are working on another covert operation .... 

(fade under) 

KARL: John Loftus is a former investigator for the Justice Department. 
For two years he tracked down alleged Nazis living in America. 

1 18 Old Nazis, The new right, and the republican Party 

LOFTUS: If we had known who John Kosiak was, he would never have 
set foot in America. 

KARL: In the early years of the war, John Kosiak was an engineer in 
Byelorussia, an area bordered by Russia on the east and Poland on the west. 
When the Nazis took over, a puppet government was established. And 
according to this roster, John Kosiak was promoted to a leadership role in 
that puppet government. 

LOFTUS: It's the politicians like Kosiak that helped run the Nazi 

KARL: Kosiak wrote this book on the history of Byelorussia. He de- 
scribes the ongoing relationship between the puppet government and the 
Nazis. He even shows this telegram sent to Adolph Hitler in June of 1944: 

"Fuehrer: . . . The Byelorussian people will unbendingly fight together 
with the German soldiers against our common enemy — Bolshevism. We 
hope and believe in the final victory which under your direction will bring a 
happy future." 

It was approved by the members of the Byelorussian Congress . . . Kosiak 
among them. John Kosiak is now living in the Chicago area. 

LOFTUS: John Kosiak helps propagandize for the support of the 

KARL: Kosiak refused to do an on-camera interview. But reports show 
he is active in several anticommunist organizations currently working to 
support the Nicaraguan contras. One group is the ABN, the Anti-Bolshevik 
Bloc of Nations. It's a worldwide organization, and its news magazine 
pictures ABN leaders with some powerful politicians, such as Vice-Presi- 
dent George Bush, and even President Ronald Reagan. 

LOFTUS: Backing the ABN is like hiring the Ku Klux Klan to be your 
consultant for school desegregation. Anyone who allows their name to be 
affiliated with the ABN ... is going to be terribly embarrassed. 

KARL: Why embarassed? Because according to this book, Inside the 
League, in 1980 seven of the eleven leaders of the ABN, and several of the 
organizations they represent, are listed as having close ties to the Nazis. 
Example: the Romanian Legionnaires. U.S. Army counterintelligence re- 
ports describe the Legion's role as Nazi collaborators during World War II. It 
is listed as being anti-Semitic and fascist. 

Dr. Alexander Ronnett, the Chicago leader of the Legion today, vehe- 
mently denies those charges, and he also says the ABN does not have any 
ties to the Nazis. 

KARL: (to Ronnett) What do you say to the people who say ABN is a 
collection of neo-Nazis . . . 
RONNETT: Neo-Nazis . . . 
KARL: . . . fascists . . . 

appendix l — The Chicago Controversy 1 19 

RONNETT: . . . fascists, and criminals, and everything like that. I 
would tell them, even the [unclear] "kiss my butt," because you are an idiot, 
even to believe that, and mimic some other [unclear] that told you that. 

KARL: The Chicago ABN is only a small part of the private network 
working to fund the contras, and there is nothing illegal about what they are 
doing. But what worries John Loftus is that they are speaking for Americans. 

LOFTUS: There are a lot of good people in the world who are anti- 
communists. We don't have to resort to the dregs of humanity. 

KARL: In fairness, we want to make it clear that the vast majority of 
Eastern Europeans had nothing to do with these organizations. 

Controversial Veteran 

WMAQ-TV (NBC) Chicago 

Evening News 
Broadcast Date: November 1 1 , J 985 
Carol Marin, Reporter — Don Mosely, Producer 
© 1985, WMAQ-TV News — AH Rights Reserved 
Transcript prepared by Political Research Associates. 

Daley Plaza, November 1 , 1985. 

CAROL MARIN: This is the group called Civilian Military Assistance 
rallying in Daley Plaza a week and a half ago. Rallying in praise of Ronald 
Reagan's Central American policy; rallying to raise money to overthrow the 
Sandinistas of Nicaragua. 

ART JONES: One, two, three, four. No more Reds, no more war. 

MARIN: On this day the head CM A cheerleader was Art Jones. Back in 
the 70's, Art Jones was part of the Nazi movement in Cicero. Now in the 
80's, his America First Committee works with national neo-Nazi and white 
far-right organizations. 

JONES: Communism will be defeated. 

MARIN: Jones, a Vietnam veteran, says he is a patriot, and wants to stop 
the spread of communism in Central America; so does the CM A and so does 
the World Anti-Communist League. 

[Screen: John Singlaub-World Anti-Communist League] 

1 20 Old Nazis, The New right, and the republican Party 

Leaders of Civilian Military Assistance (CMA) rally in Chicago, Illinois 
November 1, 1985 sponsored by CMA of Illinois. From left to right, Art 
Jones, neo-Nazi leader of the reconstituted America First Committee, 
Guy A. Hoch, rally coordinator and acting secretary for CMA of Illinois, 
and Tom Posey, national director of CMA. (Photo e> 1 986 Paul l Merideth/PRA) 

Art Jones, In full Nazi regalia, enters Chicago's Gage Park Fieldhouse 
with his followers for a 1979 rally against integration. While Jones no 
longer wears a swastika in public, his speeches and writings continue 
to reflect a neo-Nazi agenda with virulent anti-Jewish and anti-Black 
pronouncements. (Photo © 1986 chip Benet/PRA) 


— The Chicago Controversy 1 2 1 

SINGLAUB: I represent hundreds of thousands of Americans who are 
sympathetic to your cause and want to help. 

MARIN: Both the CMA and the World Anti-Communist League, the 
latter reportedly at the urging of President Reagan, have been supplying 
financial support for Nicaraguan rebels. But for some time now there has 
been a question of whether these anticommunist groups have been attract- 
ing, and in some cases enlisting, people like Art Jones — people who com- 
bine neo-Nazism with their anticommunism. 

CHIP BERLET: It's clear that there are neo-Nazis and anti-Semites in 
both the World Anti-Communist League and CMA. 

MARIN: People who study the far right, like Chip Berlet of Midwest 
Research, believe there is within the anticommunist movement now, a 
struggle going on. 

BERLET: Inside the World Anti-Communist League itself there has 
been a fight for almost twenty years; with the anticommunists who are not 
Nazis and not anti-Semites trying to get rid of the Nazis and anti- 
Semites.. .and they haven't succeeded. 

CAROL MARIN: Tonight, in at least one case, they have, however. 
Since our recent inquiries about Art Jones and his relationship to the CMA, 
Jones has been thrown out by the Illinos leader of CMA who says his group 
disavows racism and anti-Semitism. Meanwhile, Art Jones tonight told us 
he will still privately help the CMA while he works on other things, like his 
next project — organizing the Klan, Aryan Nations, and neo-Nazis to protest 
the upcoming national holiday marking the birth of Dr. Martin Luther 

122 Old Nazis, The New Right, and the Republican Party 


Chronology of 1988 Bush 
Campaign Controversy 

Coalition of American Nationalities 
Republican and Bush Campaign responses to charges 
(with selected other responses) 

by Chip Berlet 

Adapted from an article in the Boston Phoenix 

When the Bush campaign was revealed as having recruited an ethnic 
support coalition which included racists, fascists, anti-Semites, Nazi 
apologists, and even aging Nazi collaborators, it responded with a number of 
conflicting statements. At various points during the controversy the Bush 
campaign announced: 

■ It would investigate the charges. 

■ It would not investigate the charges. 

■ It was shocked by the charges. 

■ It could not be held responsible for screening everyone. 


1988 Bush Campaign Controversy 1 23 

■ It was unable to substantiate the charges. 

■ The unsubstantiated charges were reckless political attacks. 

■ No one would resign until the charges were substantiated. 

■ The persons resigning admitted no wrongdoing. 

■ The anti-Semites had resigned from the campaign. 

■ The issue was closed. 

Clearly there are some mutually exclusive positions in the above list. 

The charges primarily came from three sources: a report by Detroit-based 
free-lancer Russ Bellant (published by Political Research Associates in 
Cambridge); a series of articles by reporter Larry Cohler and Walter Ruby 
appearing in Washington Jewish Week; and articles by David Lee Preston in 
the Philadelphia Inquirer. Both press sources focused on the Bush campaign's 
recruitment of Eastern European nationalists who had emigrated to the U.S. 
after World War 11, having fled countries such as Latvia, Rumania, Bulgaria, 
and the Croation section of Yugoslavia. As the Bellant report revealed, 
these ethnic activists had gravitated towards the Republican Party due to a 
shared emphasis on rolling back communism and gaining independence for 
the nations near the Baltic coast and the Balkans which now are under 
Soviet domination. 

Some of these ethnic emigres, who champion "liberation" for these 
"Captive Nations," had fled their homelands due to their allegiance to Nazi 
Germany. Their continued support for fascism and their anti-Semitic views 
were aspects of their political work kept hidden while toiling on behalf of 
George Bush and the Republican Party. 

A chronological look at the controversy shows how artfully the Bush 
campaign sidestepped the charges while simultaneously placating its Jewish 
and emigre constituencies. 

8/2/88 — A Bush campaign news conference announces the formation of 
Coalition of American Nationalities to coordinate the campaign activities 
of various ethnic groups. 

9/1/88 — Political Research Associates (PRA) mails galley copies of the 
report by Bellant to twenty reporters and news outlets. Press embargo is 
listed as 9/9/88 in the A.M. 

9/8/88 — The story offically surfaces in the press when Washington Jewish 
Week charges several Bush ethnic advisory committee members are well- 
known anti-Semites and profascists, including persons who opposed the 
Justice Department's Office of Special Investigation (OSI) and its probe 
into emigre Nazi collaborators in the U.S. The article focuses on Bush 
ethnic advisors Jerome Brentar and Ignatius Billinsky and includes material 

124 Old Nazis, Ti ie now ricjht, and ti ie Republican Party 

on the Republican Heritage Groups Council, Florian Galdau, Philip 
Guarino, and Laszlo Pasztor from the Bellant report. [Bellant also "faxed" 
supporting documentation on Galdau to Washington Jewish Week prior to 
publication of the article. Bellant was not identified as the author of the 
PRA report until the third article in the Washington Jewish Week series.] 

■ Brentar has suggested the OSI search for Nazi war criminals 
is a communist plot, and worked with groups claiming the 
Holocaust is a Jewish hoax. 

■ Billinsky, a longtime critic of OSI, is president of the Ukrai- 
nian Congress Committee of America which Bellant 
desribes as "heavily influenced but not totally controlled by" 
anti-Semites, collaborators with Hitler, and apologists for 

■ Galdau is described by Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal as the 
leader of the Romanian pro-Nazi and anti-Semitic move- 
ment in New York City. 

■ Guarino is linked in published accounts to the fascist- 
oriented P-2 masonic lodge in Italy, and has made racist 
statements about nonwhite ethnic minorities. 

Mark Goodin, spokesperson for Bush campaign, announces, "The 
Reagan-Bush Administration supports OSI and George Bush will support 
OSI as president," and pledges the campaign will look into the allegations. 
"If there is anything to them, we'll take action," says Goodin. 

James Baker, Bush campaign chairman, adds, "There is no place in this 
campaign f or anti-Semitism, racism, bigotry, or people who espouse those 
views. Any individuals who espouse those views will not be welcome in this 

Response in the Jewish community is quick. Henry Siegman, executive 
director of the American Jewish Congress, says the charges are a shocking 

It suggests a high degree of either insensitivity or incom- 
petence on the part of George Bush's staff. I'm sure George Bush 
is personally unaware of the sordid personal history of these 
people. But now that he has been made aware of them we have 
every right to expect him not only to remove these people but to 
repudiate what they stand for. 

Albert Vorspan, senior vice-president of the Union of American Hebrew 

appendix 2 — 1988 Bush Campaign Controversy 125 

Congregations calls the composition of the Coalition "outrageous and 
frightening. The inclusion of notorious extremists in a committee with such 
close ties to the vice president violates the principles that George Bush has 
publicly espoused." 

Abraham Foxman, national director of the Anti-Defamation League, 
urges "an immediate investigation by the Bush campaign of the backgrounds 
of members of the Bush campaign ethnic coalition who are known anti- 
Semites and have been linked to Holocaust revisionist and anti-OSI (Office 
of Special Investiations) activities." Foxman adds, "There is no place in any 
political campaign for anti-Semites. The League urges that these persons be 
summarily removed." 

9/9/88 — Bush spokesperson Mark Goodin announces Jerome Brentar 
has resigned, saying Brentar's "association with [convicted Nazi war crimi- 
nal] John Demjanjuk put him at odds with Vice-President Bush." No 
mention is made of the more substantial charges regarding Brentar. 

As for Galdau and Guarino, Goodin says, "We have absolutely no 
substantiation at this point of any of these charges." 

Michael S. Miller, executive director of the Jewish Community Rela- 
tions Council, however, says his group has information supporting the 
Washington Jewish Week descriptions of Jerome Brentar, Florian Galdau, and 
Philip Guarino. "There's absolutely no doubt in my mind that these three 
individuals have expressed sympathies with nazism, with fascism," Miller 
tells the New York Times. The Simon Wiesenthal Center in Los Angeles is 
also cited by the Times as having corroborating background material. 

9/10/88 — The Philadelphia Inquirer runs an article by David Lee Preston 
which corroborates much of the material in Washington Jewish Week. 
Preston cites the forthcoming Bellant report. 

9/1 1/88 — The first section of the Bellant report is officially released to 
the press. The report describes how the Republican Party has been recruit- 
ing ethnic facists, racists, and anti-Semites for over 20 years, through its 
Heritage Groups Council. 

9/1 1/88 — The Washington Post carries a story on Bush advisor Fred 
Malek, who resigns from the Bush campaign almost immediately. 

■ Malek, according to the Post, while serving as an aide 
to President Nixon, had compiled lists of employees with 
"Jewish-sounding" names — names of persons Nixon 
suspected were part of a "Jewish Cabal" at the Bureau of 
Labor Statistics. 

9/11/88 — The Boston Globe carries a summary of the charges made in 
the Bellant report concerning the Republican Heritage Groups Council. 
9/12/88 — The Bush campaign announces five more resignations in addi- 

1 26 Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party 

tion to Brentar, in a stated effort to prevent Bush from being hurt by what 
are called "politically motivated attacks." 

The statement of resignation issued on behalf of the five panel members 
says in part: 

We have been attacked unfairly by George Bush's political 
opponents. These . . . attacks are aimed at neutralizing the sup- 
port George Bush has and will continue to have in the ethnic 

In addition to Brentar, who previously had resigned, the five new 
resignees include Galdau and Guarino as well as Ignatius Billinsky, Laszlo 
Pasztor, and Bohdan Fedorak. 

■ Pasztor, who recruited many of the ethnic leaders with 
questionable backgrounds for the Republican Heritage 
Groups Council, himself briefly served during World War II 
as an official in a Nazi-collaborationist Hungarian govern- 
ment controlled by an anti-Semitic organization, the Arrow 

■ Fedorak, also a leading critic of OSI, hosted the July 1988 
campaign appearance by George Bush cosponsored by a pro- 
Nazi group. 

Mark Goodin, spokesperson for Bush, dismisses these charges as "little 
more than politically inspired garbage . . . the campaign looked into the 
allegations against these individuals and was unable to substantiate them." 

Bush responds to reporters questions by saying: "Nobody's giving in. 
These people left of their own volition. We're not accusing anybody of 
anything . . . . We'regetting into a very peculiar deal where some people are 
accusing people ... I don't like it a bit." 

A few days later, Radi Slavoff, national co-chairman of Bulgarians for 
Bush, becomes the seventh ethnic panel member to resign. 

■ Slavoff is charged with working in a national front which 
was aligned with Nazis, and heading up the Heritage Groups 
Council which has become a safe harbor for anti-Semites 
and pro-Nazis emigres. 

9/15/88 — The entire Bellant report is released. The report includes a 
photo of Bush on the campaign trail at a July 1988 event co-sponsored by 
the pro-Nazi Anti- Bolshevik Bloc of Nations. Also reproduced is a 1984 
Republican ethnic-pride calendar which urges the celebration of "Croation 
Independence Day." The Croation state was run by a Nazi-puppet govern- 
ment which oversaw the slaughter of over 500,000 Serbians and Jews. 

Appendix 2 — 1988 Bush Campaign Controversy 1 2 7 

9/15/88 — With the resignations out of the way, the Bush counterattack 
begins. Bush spokesperson Mark Goodin denounces Bush's political en- 
emies for disseminating "reckless allegations." Although he claims the Bush 
campaign has not seen the Bellant report, Goodin says "The campaign has 
been unable to substantiate any of the allegations . . . They are some of the 
most reckless allegations leveled against anybody .... This has the unmis- 
takable stink of Boston Harbor." Bush campaign supporters begin to refer to 
the charges as "Sasso-like attacks," and tell reporters the Bellant report is 
part of a Dukakis dirty-tricks effort. In fact, Political Research Associates 
has no ties to the Dukakis campaign and had moved to Cambridge from 
Chicago the previous summer, but the smear sticks. Most major media drop 
the story. 

9/15/88 — For those newspapers still covering the story, the Bush 
campaign's statements start to unravel. Washington Jewish Week reports that 
Florian Galdau says he had never been asked to resign and had no intention 
of doing so. According to the newspaper, Galdau "said he had never signed 
a statement issued by the Bush campaign in his name and that of four 
others whose resignations the campaign announced." Says Galdau, "I did 
not resign. Why should I resign? I don't want to resign. I was appointed [to 
the Bush committee] . . . and I don't think they have the right to ask me to 

Galdau's son, Florin: "[The Bush campaign] called my father [on Sept. 
1 2] and denied they had any information whatsoever on any of the allega- 
tions made [against] him. Neither [the caller] or anyone else in the Bush 
campaign asked my f ather to resign — and he did not resign ... If they ask 
him to resign, he will tell them to go to hell." 

Meanwhile on a Cable Network News program Jerome Brentar insists he 
never resigned from the Bush ethnic panel; and he denies that the Nazis 
deliberately gassed Jews during the Holocaust. 

Bush spokesperson David Sandor quickly responds: "This is obviously in 
conflict with what we have said. We stand by what we have said .... We 
didn't force them to resign .... George Bush is their friend. They will 
continue to support him. They stand by their statement." 

9/16/88 — Jerome A. Brentar tells the Philadelphia Inquirer he is "definite- 
ly still in the campaign, still in the coalition .... I was asked to step down. I 
told them that I'll step down if they send me a letter outlining why I have to 
step down, what I did wrong to earn this degradation .... Until I get such a 
letter, I feel I'm still part of the Coalition." 

The Bush campaign finally takes its only stand relating to the actual 
issues involved, and issues the following statement: "Jerome Brentar and 
this campaign disagreed .... We were at fundamental odds over some very 
important beliefs in this campaign toward racial and religious tolerance, and 

128 Old Nazis, The New Right, and the Republican Party 

he was asked to step down .... as far as we're concerned he's no longer part 
of this campaign." 

9/18/88 — Philadelphia Inquirer reporter David Lee Preston reports that 
since 1969, several dozen alleged Nazis, fascists, and anti-Semites have held 
leadership posts in the Heritage Groups Council. He quotes Allan A. Ryan, 
Jr. (now with the legal office of Harvard University but formerly director of 
the Justice Department's OSI war criminal probe) as saying he had read 
Bellant's report and found it to be "well documented and reliable." 

Preston also reports that in 1972 a convicted Nazi war criminal Boleslavs 
Maikovskis of Minneola, N.Y. served on the advisory board of the Latvian- 
American section of the Republican's Heritage Council for the Re-Election 
of the President. 

9/22/88 — In Washington Jewish Week the Republican National 
Committee's Kathryn Murray admits she has not read the evidence con- 
tained in the Bellant report, but claims the report is "filled with ridiculous 
charges" and "insults all ethnic Americans." Murray says the RNC has no 
intention of examining evidence of the extremist background presented 
against anyone in the report. The paper, however, reports ADL has evi- 
dence backing charges against four of the persons resigning from Bush 

The Jewish Telegraphic Agency quotes Albert Maruggi, RNC press secre- 
tary, saying there were no plans to investigate the backgrounds of any of the 
ethnic group members cited in the Bellant report. Incredibly, four of the 
Bush ethnic panel members who resigned, Guarino, Slavoff, Galdau, and 
Pasztor, are still active in the RNC's Heritage Groups Council. 

9/27/88 — The Boston Herald carries an Alan Dershowitz column where 
Dershowitz reveals he has independent knowledge of some of Bellant's 
charges. "I first heard about the presence of Nazis in the hierarchy of the 
Republican Party as far back as 1970." In the course of working on the New 
York governor's race, Dershowitz says he "learned that several members of a 
Republican 'Captive Nations Committee' were Nazi sympathizers who had 
been personally involved in the Holocaust in Europe, as well as with racist 
and neo-Nazi groups in America." 

9/27/88 — New York Post columnist Pete Hamill in a column titled 
"George Bush and his fascist fan club" quotes Menachem Rosensaft, presi- 
dent of the Labor Zionist Alliance and leader of the International Network 
of Children of the Holocaust: 

He accepted their resignations. And he said he was against 
anti-Semitism. But when they were gone, an aide said the 
charges against these men were "unsubstantiated and politically 
motivated." Clearly Bush wanted them out once they were ex- 
posed, but he still wants the votes of their constituency. 


1 988 Bush Campaign Controversy 1 29 

9/29/88 — Ron Kauffman, Northeast political director for the Bush 
campaign tells the Jewish Advocate newspaper the Bellant report is "totally 
outrageous." Mark Goodin, Bush campaign spokesman, denounces Bellant's 
report and says people who voluntary resigned from campaign "vigorously 
defended" themselves against the charges. "We were not able to substantiate 
any of the allegations . . . These individuals maintain fierce opposition to 
the charges. Wc certainly accept that explanation." [At no time during the 
controversy did the Bush campaign contact Political Research Associates or 
Russ Bellant.] 

1 1/1/88 — Author Charles R. Allen Jr., an expert on the emigre Nazi 
network, questions the candor of Bush when he "professed ignorance of 
[the] pro-Nazi backgrounds" of the ethnic campaign supporters. In a Village 
Voice article, Allen produces a 1983 photograph of George Bush shaking 
hands with Yaroslav Stetsko, then leader of the pro-Nazi Anti-Bolshevik 
Bloc of Nations. The photo was taken at a White House reception. Bush 
signed the photo: "To the Honorable Yaroslav Stetsko with best wishes — 
George Bush." Allen also produced a 1976 RNC memo in which Bush, as 
RNC Chair, is reported to have reviewed the past work of the Republican 
Heritage Groups Council and set goals for the coming year. 

1 1/4/88 — The Philadelphia Inquirer reports charges concerning the back- 
ground of Bush ethnic coalition leader Akselis Mangulis. Even before the 
story appears in print, the Bush campaign announces Mangulis has resigned, 
although the woman who answers the phone at the Mangulis residence tells 
reporters Mr. Mangulis was not asked to resign and would not resign. 

■ Mangulis, a Latvian member of CAN, is accused of belong- 
ing to the Latvian Legion which during World War II was 
connected to the Nazi SS. 

Prior to the election, the charges in Bellant's report are not covered in 
the New York Times, Washington Post, Associated Press, or United Press 
International. Coverage was extensive in the Jewish daily and weekly press, 
as well as alternative weeklies and monthlies, but for most of the country the 
story was never examined outside coverage of the initial resignations. 

Following the election, on November 19, 1988, the New York Times ran 
an Op-Ed page column by Russ Bellant. One New York Times editor, at a 
media forum at Harvard University, had claimed the newspaper had thor- 
oughly covered the charges raised in the Bellant report. In fact, the post- 
election column by Bellant is the first, and only, mention of the substance of 
Bellant's charges. The column details the charges against several of the Bush 
supporters discharged during the campaign, and concludes that President 
"Bush owes Americans a complete explanation." 

On February 2, 1990, a USA Today article by Tom Squitieri notes that 

130 Old Nazis, the New right, and the republican Party 

"Four key Republican activists, ousted from George Bush's 1988 presidential 
campaign amid charges of anti-Semitic or past profascist links, are back 
working for the party." Fred Malek and Phil Guarino are named as having 
returned to work with "full party support." But "questions persist about" 
Laszlo Pasztor and Radi Slavoff, writes Squitieri after interviewing Repub- 
lican National Committee chief counsel Benjamin Ginsberg, quoted as 
saying Heritage Groups Council officials have been warned that they still 
need to "alleviate the taint of those charges." 

In late 1990, Political Research Associates issues a press release charging 
the Republican Party has yet to answer the charges in the 1988 Bellant 
Report, despite promises made during the Bush campaign that such an 
investigation would take place. 

In response, Washington Jewish Week raises the issue in a November 29, 
1990 column by Nancy Watzman. The column chronicles a series of letters 
between PRA and RNC chief counsel Ginsberg, and concludes that 
"There's no excuse not to examine the documentation Political Research 
Associates has provided the RNC." 

In the December 12-18, 1990 issue of In These Times, Joel Bleifuss 
reports that during the Bush presidential campaign, the GOP "claimed it 
was launching an internal investigation. The investigation, however, never 
materialized, and two years later [four of the] fascists remain active in the 
National Republican Heritage Groups Council." 


— 1988 Bush Campaign Controversy 1 3 1 


The Republican 
Ethnic Division 

The Republican National Committee has maintained an ethnic outreach 
component since 1951. Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky, former congressman 
Edward J. Derwinski, Anna Chennault, and Laszlo C. Pasztor have been 
among the key leaders of this effort for many years. Below is a chart from a 
Republican National Committee memo outlining the official chairman, 
predecessor formations, and early years of the Republican Heritage Groups 


1951-76 Division Chairman 

1951-53 Joseph A. Jackovics 

1953-55 (Vacant) 

1956 Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky 

1957-58 (Vacant) 

1959-60 Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky 

1961-62 (Vacant) 

1963-69 Cong. Edward J. 

Heritage Groups Division 

1970- 73 Laszlo C Pasztor, Dir. 

1973- 76 Julian M. Niemcyk, Dir. 

National Republican Heritage 
Groups (Nationalities) Council 

1971- 74 Laszlo C. Pasztor 

1974- 76 Cong. Edward J. 


132 Old Nazis, The New Ria it, and the Republican party 




See Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations 

See American Coalition of Patriotic 
Societies (ACPS) 

See American Council f or World 
Freedom (ACWF) 

See Anti-Defamation League of B'nai 
B'rith (ADL) 

See Aircraft Industries Association 

See Accuracy in Media (AIM) 

See African National Congress 


See Associated Press (AP) 

See American Security Council (ASC) 

See American Security Council (ASC) 

See American Security Council (ASC) 

See American Vigilante Intelligence 
Federation (AVIF) 

Abdnor, James — 39, 40. 
Abrahamson, James — 53. 
Abramoff, Jack— 82, 83. 
Abrams, Elliot — 66. 
Accuracy in Media (AIM) — 79. 
Ackerman, Ray — 81. 

Advisory Committee on Foreign Affairs — 

Africa— 35,47, 81, 83. 
African-American— 12, 20, 28, 45, 61, 64. 
African National Congress (ANC) — 86. 
Agnew, SpiroT. — 5. 

Aircraft Industries Association (AIA) — 35. 
Air Force Directorate of Plans for the 

Western Hemisphere — 85. 
Aksenov, Alex — 8, 44. 
Alabama — 54. 

Alarcon, Mario Sandoval — 85. 
Albania — 20. 

All-Byelorussian Second Congress — 1 1 . 
Allen, Charles R , Jr.— 130. 
Allies (Allied Powers)— x, xi, 26, 31, 44. 
Almond, Edward — 98n. 
America First Committee — 3 1 , 45, 1 20, 

American Banker — 49. 

American Coalition of Patriotic Societies 

(ACPS)— 31-33,60. 
American Council for World Freedom 

American Foreign Policy Institute — 41, 61. 
American Freedom Company — 79. 
American Indian — 20. 
American Jewish Congress — 125. 
American Latvian Association — 74. 

INDEX 133 

American Lithuanian Community — 77. 
American Nazi Party — 38, 60. 
American Public Research Council — 1 5. 
American Security Council (ASC) — 29-57, 
61, 64-66, 69, 70, 73, 75, 77, 80-90. 
Congressional Division — 53, 54- 
American Security Council Foundation 
(ASCF)— 38, 39, 45, 48, 51, 53, 86. 
American Security Council National 

Strategy Committee — 5 1 , 86. 
American Security Council PAC 

(ASCPAC)— 39-41, 53, 55. 
See also Journal of international 

See also Task Force on Central America 
American Vigilante Intelligence Federation 

(AV1F)— 31, 32. 
Americans for a Democratic Italy — 18. 
Anderson, E. L. 

See Carto, Willis 
Anderson, Jack — 6, 25, 65. 
Anderson, Jon Lee — x, 59. 
Anderson, Scott — x, 59. 
Angleton, James Jesus — 61 . 
Angola— 30, 66,81,82. 
Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN) — 

45,66, 72-78, 92n, 107n, 119, 120, 127, 


ABN Correspondence — 76. 
Anticommunism — xi, 2, 23, 33, 38, 59, 65, 

66,72, 73, 75, 79, 88-90, 1 1 5, 1 16, 1 19, 

120, 122. 

Anti-Communist Confederation of Polish 

Freedom Fighters in the USA — ix. 
Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith 

(ADD— 27, 79, 126, 129. 
Anti- Jewish bigotry 

See anti-Semitism 
Anti-Semitism (anti-Jewish bigotry) — vii, 

ix,8, 31-33, 35, 51,66. 

Historical revisionism — 42, 79, 125, 

Liberty Lobby— 38, 45, 54, 65, 67, 83. 
NRHGC— xvii, 2, 20, 28, 129. 
Nazi-era— viii, 15,43, 116, 117, 119, 

Republican Party and George Bush — 
2,27, 64, 72, 123-126, 131. 

U.S. right wing-^1, 50, 87, 89, 90, 121, 

See also Jews 
Apartheid— 59,81,82. 
App, Austin^J3-45, 60, 87. 
Arciuch, Joe — 11, 12. 
ARENA Party (El Salvador)— 85. 
Argentina — 84-86. 

Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance 

(AAA)— 18,85. 
Arizona — 70. 
Armstrong, John — 7 1 . 
Arrow Cross^t, 5,89, 127. 
Aryan — vi, ix. 

Aryan Nations — 45, 67, 1 22. 
Asia — 35. 

Asian American Republican Federation — 
19, 20. 

Associated Press (AP)— 67, 130. 
Attack on the Americas — 48, 84. 
Australia — 51. 
Austria — viii. 

See also Vienna 
Authoritarian — x, xvii, 2, 3, 17, 30, 61, 90. 
Axis Powers— 2, 12, 31, 33, 43, 71, 75. 



See Byelorussian-American Association 

See British Broadcasting Corporation 

See Bulgarian National Front (BNF) 
Bahamas — 69. 
Baker, James — 125. 
Balco, Method— 3, 15, 16. 
Balkans— 124. 
Baltic— 4, 72-74, 124. 
Baltic Legion — 4. 
Bandera, Stepan — 69, 76. 
Barauskas, Algis — 74- 
Barbie, Klaus — 88. 
Bamett, Frank — 37. 
Bartel, Marsha— 115, 118. 
Bauman, G. Duncan — 102n. 
Belarus Brigade — 4, 1 1 • 
Belarus Secret (Loftus) — 1 1 . 
Bellant, Russ — v, x,xiv, 124-131. 
Benson, Ivor — 83. 
Bentley, Helen— 25. 
Berlet, Chip — iii, xi, xiv, xv, 1 22, 123. 
Berlin, Germany — 2, 5, 8, 35, 72. 
Bermudez, Enrique — 86. 
Billinsky, Ignatius M. — 26, 77, 124-126. 
Bitburg, Germany — xvii, 10. 

See African-American 
Black, Edwin F. — 51. 
Blackshirts — 18. 

134 Old Nazis, The New Right, and the Republican Party 

Blank, Martin— 35, 36. 
Bleifuss, Joel— 131. 
Btelaieg— 89. 

Blowback (Simpson) — x, xviii, 90. 
Bolick, Clint— 104n. 
Bolivia— 88. 
Bologna, Italy — 17. 

See communism 
Borissow — 11. 
Boston, Massachusetts — 27. 
Boston, Virginia — 82. 
Boston Globe — 16, 1 26. 
Boston Herald— 129. 
Boston P/ioenix — 123. 
Bouchey, L. Francis — 46. 
Bower, Tom — x. 
Braden, Spruille — 98n. 
Brentar, Jerome— 26, 124-128. 
Brezhnev, Leonid — 50. 

See England 
British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) — 

9, 48. 
Brownshirts — vi. 
Buchanan, Patrick — 44, 79. 
Bucharest, Romania — 9. 
Bulgaria— ix, 6, 7, 72, 73, 124. 

NRHGC Affiliate— 2, 6. 
Bulgarian Legion — 4, 7, 108n. 
Bulgarian National Committee — 6, 7. 
Bulgarian National Front (BNF) — 6, 7, 4 1 , 

107n, 127. 
Bulgarians for Bush — 127. 
Bulletin of Atomic Scientists — 36. 
Bureau of Labor Statistics — 26, 1 26. 
Bush, George — xiv, xviii, 2, 7, 10, 24, 26, 

27, 43, 57, 64, 76-78, 90,117,119, 

123-128, 130, 131. 
Business Week — 47. 
Butler, Stuart — 63. 

Byelorussia— 3, 4, 11, 12,41,72, 118, 119. 
Byelorussian-American Association 
(BAA)— 11, 12, 75, 77. 
Byelorussian-American Republican 

Federation — 3, 11. 
Byelorussian-American Veterans 

Association — 77. 
Byelorussian Central Council — 74, 93n. 
Byelorussians for Bush — 12. 



See Council on American Affairs 

See Latin American Anti-Communist 
Confederation (CAL) 

See Conservative Alliance (CALL) 

See Coalition of American Nationalities 

See Communication Cotporation of 
America (CCA) 

See Coalition for Constitutional Justice 
and Security (CCJS) 

See Catholics for Christian Political 
Action (CCPA) 

See Christian Democratic Union (CDU) 

See Canadian Freedom Foundation 

See Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) 

See Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) 

See Council for Inter-American Security 

See Civilian Military Assistance (CMA) 

See Cable Network News (CNN) 

See Council for National Policy (CNP) 


See Coalition for Peace Through 
Strength (CPTS) 

See Committee for Security and 
Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) 

See Center for Strategic and 
International Studies (CSIS) 

See Committee of Subjugated Nations 

Cable Network News (CNN) — 128. 

Index 135 

California — 47. 

See also Costa Mesa, Los Angeles, San 

Calvi, Roberto— 18, 19. 
Calui Affair (Gurwin) — 18. 
Cambridge, Massachusetts — xi, 124, 128. 
Canada— 7, 10, 67. 

See also Toronto 
Canadian Freedom Foundation (CFF) — 67. 
Cannon Office Building — 54. 
Capitalism — vi, ix, x, 75, 76, 83. 
Captive Nations— 7, 23, 24, 77, 78, 124. 
Captive Nations — 72, 73. 
Captive Nations Committee — 70, 73, 77, 

78, 129. 
Caribbean — 48. 
Carter, Jimmy— 39, 48, 49, 84. 
Carto, Willis— 38, 43, 60, 83. 

Use of E. L. Anderson alias — 103n. 
Catholic — vii, viii, 45. 
Catholics for Christian Political Action 

(CCPA)— 44. 
Center for Defense Information — 48. 
Center for Strategic and International 

Studies (CS1S)^,6. 
Central America— 25, 48-50, 66, 83, 84, 

86, 120. 
Central Europe 

See Europe, Central 
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) — 6, 9, 

17,25,33, 35, 37, 40, 46, 49,51,61,81. 
Chamber o f Commerce — 35. 
Channel, Carl "Spitz" — 86. 
Chappell, Bill— 41,54, 55. 
Chary, Dr. Fred — xiv, 7. 
Chemical weapons — 47. 
Chen, Ben John— 20. 
Chennault, Anna— 3, 20, 26, 132. 
Chiang Kai-Shek — 20. 
Chicago, Illinois— 30, 43, 45, 49, 75, 79, 

115-121, 128. 
Chile^t3, 50, 63,87, 116. 
China (Chinese)— 19, 20,41. 
Chinese NRHGC Affiliate— 3, 19,41. 
Chitunda, Jercmias — 8 1 . 
Chopiwsky, Walter — 70. 
Christian— 32, 44, 60, 79. 
Christian Democratic Party (Italy) — 17. 
Christian Democratic Union (CDU) — 36. 
Christiani, Alfredo — 85. 
Chumachenko, Katherine — 77. 
Church, Frank^rO, 41. 
Cicero, Illinois— 120. 
Civilian Military Assistance — 120-122. 
Clark, William— 48. 
Clark Amendment — 81, 82. 

Clerical Fascism — viii. 
Cleveland, Ohio— 18, 63. 
Cline, Ray — 61. 
Cliveden Set — 46. 

Coalition for a Democratic Majority — 56. 
Coalition for Constitutional Justice and 
Security (CCJS)— 39, 40, 41, 43, 48, 
53, 80. 

Coalition for Desert Storm — 56. 
Coalition for Peace Through Strength 

(CPTS)— 30, 32, 44-46, 49-52, 55, 61, 

65, 70, 73-75, 77, 80, 82. 
Coalition f or World Freedom — 66, 70, 79. 
Coalition Insider — 39, 40. 
Coalition of American Nationalities 

(CAN)— 26, 27, 123-125, 128, 130. 
Codevilla, Angelo — 47. 
Codreanu, Comeliu — 10, 87, 88, 98n. 
Cohler, Larry — 1 24. 

Cold War— xi, 23, 30, 33, 34, 36, 37, 90. 

See Nazi collaboration 
College Republican National Committee — 


College Republican National Council — 82. 
Commentary — 44. 

Committee for a Free Europe — 95n. 
Committee for Security and Cooperation in 

Europe (CSCE)— 70. 
Committee for the Defense of the 

Mediterranean — 18. 
Committee of Subjugated Nations (CSN) — 

72, 73, 107n. 
Committee to Unite America — 45, 46. 
Common Cause Magazine — 53. 
Communication Corporation of America 

(CCA)— 55, 56. 
Communism — iii, vi, 17, 23, 25, 35, 38, 56, 

73,90, 118, 119, 124. 

Democratic support for communism 
alleged-4, 11, 23, 39. 

Jewish support for communism alleged — 
ix, 32, 33, 43, 72, 125. 

National Socialist rejection of 
communism — viii, x, xi, 76. 

World Anti-Communist League — 59, 
66, 1 20. 

See also anticommunism, World Anti- 
Communist League (WACL) 
Congress of Russian Americans — 77. 
Congressional Division, American Security 

Council (ASC) 

See American Security Council (ASC) 
Congressional Record — 76. 
Connally, John— 18, 19. 
Conservatism — vi, 28, 30, 75, 82. 

136 Old Nazis, The New Right, and the Republican Party 

Conservative Alliance (CALL) — 45. 
Conservative Caucus — 82. 
Conservative Digest — 63. 
Conservative Review — 63. 
Conservatives Against Liberal Legislation 

See Conservative Alliance (CALL) 
Conspiracy theories — vii, viii, x, 3, 38. 
Consultants International — 51. 
Contras— 6, 30, 46, 47, 54, 65, 66, 75, 

86-88, 115, 1 16, 118-120. 
Coors, Joseph — 83. 
Cossack— 2, 7, 8,41,73. 
Cossack War Veterans — 8. 
Costa Mesa, California — 43. 
Costa Rica— 46, 86. 
Coughlin, Father Charles — 31. 
Council fo r Inter-American Security 

(CIS)— 46. 
Council for National Policy (CNP)— 83. 
Council for Social and Economic Study — 64. 
Council of Deputies (Italy) — viii. 
Council on American Affairs (CAA) — 61 , 


Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) — 38. 
Crisis in the Americas — 48-50. 
Croatia— viii, ix, 3, 12, 14, 15, 124, 127. 

See also Ustashi 
Croatian Liberation Movement — 74. 
Crocker, Chester — 47, 83. 
Croom, Milton— 50, lOln. 
Crusade for Freedom — 25. 
Crutchfield, Sam— 64, 104n. 
Cuba— 39. 
Culver, John — 40. 
Czechoslovakia — 15, 16, 89. 



See German American National 

Congress (DANK) 
D'Amato, Alfonse — 40, 64. 
D'Aubuisson, Roberto — 47, 85. 
Dawidowicz, Lucy — 15,44, 71. 
Death camps — viii, 15. 
Death squads— 18, 48, 59, 65, 75, 83-88. 
Debbaudt, Dennis — xiv, 10. 
DeConcini, Dennis — 55. 
Defense Appropriations Subcommittee — 


Defense Intelligence Agency — 40, 82. 
Del Valle, Pedro— 99n. 
Demjanjuk, John — 126. 

Democracy — iii, vi-viii, x, xi, xviii, 2, 29, 
32, 89. 

Democratic Party — xiii, 4, 10, 11, 23, 26, 

28,39-41,53-56, 59, 90. 
Department of Defense — 49, 87. 
Department of Education — 63. 
Dershowitz, Alan — 129. 
Derwinski, Edward — 132. 
Detroit, Michigan — xiii, xiv, 19, 70, 74, 


Devil's Island — vii. 

Dickens, Samuel-^6-48, 66, 85-87. 

Dickinson, Bill— 54. 

Direct Marketing — 55. 

Disinformation — 37, 48, 49. 

Displaced persons — 3, 77. 

Displaced Persons Commission — 3, 4- 

Dispossessed Majority (Robertson) — 64. 

Dobriansky, Lev — 69, 132. 

Dobriansky, Paula — 69. 

Docheff, Ivan— 6, 7, 25, 45. 

Dolan, Terry — 45. 

Dole, Robert— 81. 

Donahue, Phil— 88. 

Doman, Robert K. — 41. 

Douglas, Lord Malcolm — 46. 

Douglas-Hamilton, Lady Malcolm — 45, 46. 

Dreyfuss, Alfred — vii. 

Duarte, Napoleon — 87. 

Dukakis, Michael — 128. 

Duke, David— 15. 

Durcansky, Ferdinand — 15, 16. 


Eastern Europe 

See Europe, Eastern 
Eastern Front — 75, 89. 
Edison, Charles — 98n. 
Education and Ethnicity: The U.S. 

Experiment in School Integration 

(Scott)— 64. 
Eichmann, Adolph — 16. 
Einsatzgruppen — 7 2 . 

See aiso mobile killing teams 
Eisenhower, Dwight D.^t, 29, 36-38, 51, 

56, 57. 

El Salvador— 47,49,85-87. 
Emmanuel, Victor — 19. 
England — 46. 

See also London 
Estonia — 4, 80. 

Ethnic Division, GOP— 4, 5, 17. 

Index 137 

Ethnic Voters for Reagan- Bush Campaign 

Ethnogenetic — 12, 15, 73. 
Eugenics — 32, 46, 60. 
Eugenics and Race ( Pearson) — 60. 
Europe — v-viii, x, xi, xiv, 3, 4, 7, 16, 20, 31, 

32, 35, 53, 56, 59-61, 63, 69, 76, 80, 82, 

89, 129. 
Europe, Central — 2, 3, 5, 73. 
Europe, Eastern — v, ix, xvii, 2-5, 20, 23, 27, 

69, 73,76,89,90, 118, 120, 124. 
Extermination camps 

See death camps 



See Federal Bureau of Investigation 

Fahrenkopf, Frank J. —3, 10, 12, 24. 
Fascism— iii, xii-xiv, 36, 69, 72, 89, 90, 116, 
117, 123-126, 128, 131. 
American Security Council 

(ASC)— 30, 33, 56. 
Emigre^ fascist network in NRHGC — 
xvii.xviii, 2-6,23,25,27, 28,41,77, 
79, 80. 

History and characteristics of fascism — 
v-xi,9, 12, 14. 

Italian— 16-19, 56. 

World Anti-Communist League 
(WACL)— 61,65, 73, 119. 
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) — 9, 

Federal Election Commission — 15. 
Fedorak, Bohdan— 26, 69, 70, 75-78, 106n, 


Fellers, Bonner — 99n. 

Final Solution — 5, 16. 

First National Bank of Chicago — 49. 

First Ukrainian Division — 72. 

Fisher, John— xiv, 33, 38-41, 46, 48-50, 53, 

55,56,61,65,66,81, 103n, 104n. 
Fisher, Steve — 103n. 
Fisher, Linda — 103n. 
Florida— 54, 84. 
Foley, Tom — 26. 

For My Legionaries (Codreanu) — 87. 
Ford, Gerald— 18. 

Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board — 18. 
Foreign policy— v, xi, 20, 24, 28, 30, 33, 35, 

36, 46,47, 53, 56, 83,90, 115. 
Foreign Policy Research Institute — 35-37. 

Forward Strategy for America ( Strausz- 

Hupe)— 34, 35. 
Foxman, Abraham — 126. 
France — vii, ix, 63. 
Franco, Francisco — iii, viii. 
Franklin, Anson — 60. 
Freedom Fighters— xi, 47, 76, 1 16, 118. 
French Revolution — vi. 
Freytag, Fritz — 72. 
Friedman, Milton — 63. 
Fromm, Paul — 67. 
Fuelner, Edwin — 61, 64. 
Fulbright, William— 36, 37, 65. 
Fund for an American Renaissance — 47. 
Futey, Bohdan— 69, 70. 



See Republican Party 
Galdau, Florian— 2, 3, 9, 10, 26, 27, 30, 43, 

Galdau, Florin [sic] — 128. 
Galician Division — 4, 72. 
Gambino Family — 18. 
Gamble, John — 67. 
Gam, Jake — 41. 
Gas chambers — 5, 9. 
Gavins, Jim — 47. 
Gayre, Robert — 46. 
Gazdaru, Dr. Dimitrie — 87. 
Gelli, Licio— 18, 19. 

General Was a Spy (Hohne &. Zolling) — x. 
George Mason University — 63. 
Georgia — 37. 
Gephart, Richard — 54- 
German (Germany) — xvii, 19, 44, 45, 76, 
77, 79, 80, 89. 
Army— 8, 36, 72, 75. 
German-sponsored puppet govern- 
ments— 11, 67, 74, 119. 
National Socialism (Nazis) — 4, 5, 15, 

31, 32, 35, 56, 71,80, 115, 118, 124. 
Occupation, World War 11 — xiv, 3, 4, 6, 

11,67,69, 72. 
SS-4, 43. 

World War 11 era— viii-x, 46, 73, 90. 

See also Berlin, Bitburg, Hanover, 
Munich, Nuremberg, Ruhr 
German-American Bund — 31. 
German American National Congress 

(DANK) — 43-45, 64. 
Ginsberg, Benjamin — 131. 

138 Old Nazis, the new Right, and the republican Party 

Goethe, C. M.— 60. 

Gold, Walter --49. 

Goldwater, Barry — 38. 

Goodin, Mark— 125-128, 130. 

Graham, Daniel O— 40, 5 1 , 55, 84, 1 lOn. 

Grant, Madison — 32. 

Grassley, Charles — 40. 

Gregory, Wayne — 49. 


See Lithuania 
Group Research — 30. 
Guarino, Philip A. — 3, 17-19, 26, 27, 125- 

127, 129, 131. 
Guatemala— 48, 84-86. 
Guemica (Picasso) — viii. 
Guide to Nationality Observances — 12, 13. 
Guidelines for Cold War Victory (ASC)— 


Gulf/Chevron Oil— 66, 82. 
Gulf War— 57. 
Gunther, Hans F. K — 60. 
Gurwin, Larry — 18. 
Gypsies — viii, 12, 74. 



See House Committee on UnAmerican 

Activities (HUAC) 
Haig, Al— 81,82,84. 
Hamill, Pete— 129. 
Hanfstaengl, Ernst — 45. 
Hanover, Germany — 45. 
Hanrahan, Robert — 49. 
Hansen, George — 84. 
Hardisty, Dr. Jean — xiv. 
Hart, Mervin K. — 35. 
Hartland Four Comers, Vermont — iii. 
Harvard University — 1 29, 130. 
1 lawaii — 31. 
Hawkins, Paula — 41. 
Hegel, George Wilhelm Friedrich — vi. 
Helms, Jesse— 46, 47, 50, 64, 82. 
Helsinki Human Rights Review — 80. 
Henry, Paul— 76. 

Heritage Foundation — 30, 46, 61, 63, 64- 
Heritage Groups Council for Citizenship 

Education — 45. 
Heritage National Committee (Connally for 

President Campaign) — 19. 
Hess, Rudolph — ix, 45, 46. 
High Frontier — 51. 
Higham, John — 32. 
Himmler, Heinrich — 79. 

Hispanic — 20, 45. 

Historical revisionism — 43, 79, 83, 125, 
126, 128. 

Hitler, Adolph — iii, vi, viii, ix, xi, xviii, 3-5, 
7,8, 15,31,32,35,45, 46, 56,65, 69, 
71-76,80, 87-89, 119, 125. 

Hlinka Guard — 15. 

Hoch, Guy A.— 121. 

Hohne, Heinz — x. 

Holocaust— viii, ix, 5, 43, 44, 79, 83, 125, 

126, 128, 129. 
Holtzman, Elizabeth — 40. 
Homosexuals — viii. 
Honduras — 47, 87. 
Honeywell Corporation — 33. 
Hoover Institution — 47. 
Hoover, J. Edgar — 3 1 
House Armed Services Committee — 54- 
House Committee on UnAmerican 

Activities (HUAC)— 32. 
House of Savoy (Italy) — 19. 
Hughes Aircraft — 1 1 . 
Hull, John— 86. 
Human Events — 33. 
Hungary— viii, 2, 4, 5, 73, 89, 127. 
Hunt, H. L. — 45, 46. 
Hvasta, John — 15. 



See International Association for the 
Advancement of Ethnology and 
Eugenics (1AAEE) 

See Institute for American Strategy 

See International Business Communica- 
tions (IBC) 

See Institute for Democracy, Education, 
and Assistance (IDEA) 

See Institute for Historical Review 
Idaho— 40,41. 

Ideology— vi, viii-x, 2, 8, 36, 38, 69, 71, 87, 

Illinois — 43, 49, 120, 121. 

See also Chicago, CICERO 
Immigration — 3, 9, 32. 
Immigration Restriction Act — 32. 
In Defense of America Project — 49, 51, 54. 

Index 139 

In Fact — 96n. 
Jn These Times — 131. 
Industrialism — ix, 17, 35. 
Inside the League ( Anderson and 

Anderson)— x, 59, 65, 74, 1 19. 
Jnstauration — 8. 

Institute for American Strategy (IAS) — 

Institute for Democracy, Education, and 

Assistance (IDEA) — 64. 
Institute for Historical Review (IHR) — 


Institute for the Study of Man — 63, 64, 

Institute on Terrorism and Subnational 
Conflict — 86. 

Intelligence— 7, 8, 16, 17, 19, 30, 40, 45, 
51,56, 61, 67,69,71,77, 82,84,85. 

Intelligence Oversight Board — 19. 

Inter- American Defense Board — 86. 

International Association for the Advance- 
ment of Ethnology and Eugenics 
(IAAEE)— 63, 64. 

International Business Communications 
(IBC)— 86. 

International Conference for Unity of the 

See Moon, Sun Myung 
International Network of Children of the 

Holocaust — 129. 
International Rescue Committee — 9. 
International Security Agency — 66. 
Iowa— 40, 50, 64. 

Iowa Civil Rights Advisory Commission — 

Iran — 67. 

Shah of Iran, Reza Pahlevi — 19. 
Iran-contra Affair— 47, 65, 67, 83, 86, 117. 
Ireland, Andrew — 41. 
Iron Guard (Romania)— 2-4, 9, 10, 42, 43, 

75, 87, 89, 117. 

Legion of Archangel Michael — 116. 
Israel— 116. 

Italian-Americans for Bush — 19. 
Italian Communist Party (PCI) — 17, 18. 
Italian Heritage Council — 3, 19. 
Italian NRHGC Affiliate— 41. 
Italy— vi,viii,3, 16, 17, 19,32,41,56, 
61, 125. 

See also Bologna, Milan, Rome, Sicily 



See John Birch Society (JBS) 

See Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA) 
J. Walter Thompson Advertising 

Company — 50. 
Jackovics, Joseph A. — 132. 
Jacobs, Kris — xiv. 
Jamaica — 20. 
Jasenovac — 1 5. 
Jewish Advocate — 130. 
Jewish Community Relations Council — 


Jewish Telegraphic Agency (JTA) — 129. 
Jews— vii-ix, 2, 4, 7-12, 15, 16, 20, 26, 27, 

32, 33, 43, 45, 59, 69, 71-74, 79, 80, 83, 
116, 117, 125, 126, 128, 130. 

See also anti-Semitism 
John Birch Society (JBS)— 37, 38, 45, 82. 
Johnson, Bennett — 55. 
Joint Baltic American National 

Committee — 77. 
Joint Chiefs of Staff — 36, 37. 
Jones, Art— 45, 120-122. 
Jones, Mark M. — 35. 
Journal of Historical Review — 42. 
Journal of Indo-European Studies — 63. 
Journal of International Relations (ASC) — 


Journal of Social and Economic Studies — 

Jung, Harry — 32. 

Justice Department — 6, 10, 23, 26, 27, 32, 

33, 35, 44, 70, 74, 77, 80, 1 17, 1 18, 124, 


KGB — 10, 37, 79, 80, 82, 84. 

See Ku Klux Klan (KKK) 
Kaplan, Morton — 1 lOn. 
Karl, Peter— 115, 116, 118-120. 
Kauffman, Ron — 130. 
Kemble, Penn — 86. 
Kemp, Jack— 24, 41, 47, 55, 102n. 
Kennedy, John F. — 36, 37. 
Keyworth, George — 53. 
King, Dr. Martin Luther — 122. 
Kintner, William— 35, 37. 

140 Old Nazis, The New right, an dt he republican Party 

Kiracofe, Clifford— 104n. 
Kirkpatrick, Evron — 86. 
Kirkpatrick, Jeane J.— 10, 51, 76, 82, 86, 

Kirschbaum, Joseph — 15, 16. 
Knights of Malta — 45. 
Koch, Neal— 66. 
Kojclis, Linas — 24. 
Kolm, Richard-^1. 
Korea— 61,64-67, 70. 
Korean CIA— 65. 
Kosiak, John— 118, 199. 
Kremlin — 37. 

Ku Klux Klan (KKK)— 15, 38, 45, 50, 51, 

119, 122. 
Kushel, Franz— 1 1, 77. 



See Lithuanian American Council 

Labor Zionist Alliance — 129. 
LaHaye, Tim — 55. 
Lansdale, Edward — 37, 38. 
La Rocque, Gene — 48, 55. 
LaRouche, Lyndon H., Jr.— 36, 45, 50, 77, 

Lasby, Clarence — 35. 

Latin America^»6, 65, 75, 84, 85, 87, 88. 

Latin American Anti-Communist 

Confederation (CAL) — 75. 
Latvia^), 26, 74, 80, 124, 129, 130. 
Latvian Legion — 4, 26, 130. 
Laughlin, Harry — 32. 
Laxalt, Paul— 24,39,41. 
Legion of the Archangel Michael 

See Iron Guard 
Legionnaire Movement 

See Iron Guard 
Lenczowski, John — 53, 83. 
Liberalism — vi, x, 23, 36, 39. 
Liberty — vi, vii, 29, 1 16. 
Liberty Bell— 98n. 

Liberty Lobby— xiii, 38, 43, 45, 54, 65, 67, 

77, 83, 99n, lOOn. 

Truth in Press — 99n. 
Liberty Lobby and the American Right 

(Mintz)— 38. 
Libya— 51,61. 

Lithuania— ix, 4, 74, 79, 80, 89. 
Greywolves — 80. 
Samogitians — 79. 

Lithuanian- American Council (LAC) — 74, 
77, 79, 80. 

Lithuanian-American Republican National 

Federation — 74. 
Livingstone, Neil — 86. 
Loftus, John— 118-120. 
London, England— 9, 19, 60. 
Long, Clarence — 25. 
Long, Huey P. — xii. 
Los Angeles, California — 1 1, 80, 1 26. 
Lucier, Jim — 82. 
Luftwaffe — viii. 
Lwow (Lvov) — 71, 72. 
Lydon, Matthias — 49. 



See National Liberation Movement, 

Guatemala (MLN) 
MX missile — 47. 
McCarthy, Joseph— 32, 33, 48. 
McClellan, James — 1 04n. 
McClure, James — 47. 
McConkey, Betty — 50. 
McCune, Wes — xiv, 30. 
McDonald, Larry— 45, 84. 
McFarlane, Robert -^9, 118. 
McGovern, George — 39. 
Machiavelli, Niccolo — vi. 
Mafia— 16, 18. 
Magers, Ron — 118. 
Maikovskis, Boleslavs — 129. 
Malek, Fred— 26, 126, 131. 
Mangulis, Akselis — 26, 130. 

See New York 
Mankind Quarterly — 46, 63. 
Marcos, Ferdinand — 84. 
Marin, Carol— 118, 120,122. 
Martin, William — 53. 
Maruggi, Albert — 1 29. 
Marx, Karl — vi. 
Marxism — vi, ix, 32, 84. 
Maryland— 25, 50. 
Masons — 45. 
Massachusetts — xi. 

See also Boston, Cambridge 
Mattingly, Mack — 41. 
Mazeika, Anthony — 80. 
Mazeika, Danute — 80. 
Medaris, John — 35. 
Mediterranean — 1 9. 
Medrano, Jose Alberto — 87. 

Index 141 

Mehler, Dr. Barry — xiv, 64. 
Mein Kemp/ (Hitler) — ix. 
Meldon, Jerry — 16. 

Melianovich, Walter— 3, 11, 12,26,44. 
Melnyk, Andrew — 69. 
Menges, Constantine — 46, 47. 
Mexico— 47, 84, 87. 
Michel Amendment — 47. 
Michigan— 19, 69, 70, 76. 

See also Detroit, Warren 
Mid- American Research Library — 30. 
Midwest Research 

See Political Research Associates (PRA) 
Mikus, Josef— 15, 16, 25,44. 
Milan, Italy — viii, 17. 
Miles, Robert— 105n. 
Militarism — ix, 56. 

Military-industrial complex — 29, 30, 33, 36, 

Military-Industrial Conference 

See National Military Industrial 

Miller, Maxwell— 104n. 
Miller, Michael S.— 126. 
Minncola, New York — 129. 
Missile crisis — 39. 
Mobile killing teams — 5, 75. 

See also einsatjgruppen 
Modernism — vi, x. 
Molinari, Guy — 55. 
Mondale, Walter— 55, 64. 
Mont Pelerin Society — 63, 64. 
Moon, Sun Myung — xiii, 45, 61, 65, 86, 

92n, lOOn. 

International Conference for Unity of 
the Sciences — 1 1 On. 
Moorer, Thomas — 84. 
Moreel, Ben— 98n. 
Moscow — 37. 
Mosely, Don— 1 20. 

Mountain States Legal Foundation — 63. 
Mozambique — 8 1 . 
Munich, Germany — ix, 66, 76. 
Muravchic, Joshua — 86. 
Murphy, John — 84. 
Murray, Kathryn — 129. 
Mussolini, Benito — iii, v, vi, viii, 17, 19, 



See North American Regional World 
Anti-Communist League (NARWACL) 


See North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

See National Broadcasting Corporation 


See National Confederation of 

American Ethnic Groups (NCAEG) 

See National Conservative Political 
Action Committee (NCPAC) 

See National Endowment for Democracy 


See National Republican Heritage 

Groups Council (NRHGC) 

See National Security Council (NSC) 
NSDAP (National Socialist German 

Workers Party) 

See Nazism. 

See National Student Federation (NSF) 
Nadjiuk, Cheslav — 1 1 , 93n. 
Namibia — 81. 
Nation — 64. 

National Association of Manufacturers — 35. 
National Broadcasting Corporation 

(NBC)— 75, 115, 1 18, 120. 
National Coalition for America's 

Survival — 45. 
National Confederation of American 

Ethnic Groups (NCAEG) — 41, 43-45. 
National Conservative Political Action 

Committee (NCPAC)— 45. 
National Economic Council — 35. 
National Endowment for Democracy 

(NED)— 89. 
National Endowment (or the Preservation 

of Liberty — 86. 
National Forum Foundation — 46. 
National Front 

See Bulgarian National Front 
National Italian American Foundation — 19. 
National Liberation Movement (MLN) — 


National Military Industrial Conference — 
33, 35-37. 

National Republic — 33. 

National Republican Heritage Groups 
Council (NRHGC) — xiii, xvii, xviii, 1, 
2, 4-8, 10-13, 15, 16, 18-28, 30, 41, 43, 
44, 69, 70, 74, 76, 80, 125-127, 129-131. 

National Review — 8, 63. 

142 Old Nazis, The New Right, and the Republican Party 

National security — 39, 46. 
National Security Caucus — 56. 
National Security Council (NSC) — 12, 33, 
National Security Report — 54. 
National Socialism 

See Nazism 
National Socialist German Workers Party 

See Nazism 
National Strategy Seminars — 36. 
National Student Federation (NSF) — 82. 
National War College — 36, 37. 
Nationalism — iii, v-vii, ix-xi, 2,5,11,12, 

15,38,43,60,67,69,71, 73, 75,76, 


Naydzyuk, Ceslau 

See Nadjiuk, Cheslav 
Nazarenko, Nicolas — 2, 7-9, 44, 73. 
Nazi collaboration — v, xi, xiv, xviii, 1-6, 28, 

89, 90, 123-127. 

American Security Council (ASC) — 

30, 65. 
Byelorussian — 11, 12, 77. 
Slovakian — 1 5, 25. 
National Confederation of American 

Ethnic Groups — 41, 56. 
Ukrainian— 67, 69-72. 
Romanian— 87-88, 119. 
Nazism— 2-11, 15, 23, 25, 26, 38,41-46, 51, 
56,61,64, 65, 67, 83, 87-90, 115-130. 
History and characteristics of nazism — 

v-xi, 70-80. 
German National Socialism — xvii, xviii, 

5, 7,60,71. 
U. S. Nazi activism, World War 11 — 


See also Nazi collaboration 

See also neo-Nazi 
Neo-fascism — 16, 17, 36, 45. 
Neo-Nazi— viii, 8, 45, 50, 60, 61, 63, 65, 67, 

76, 87, 119, 120-122, 129. 
Nesterczuk, George — 69, 70. 
New Benjamin Franklin House — 97n. 
New Hampshire — 79. 
New Jersey — 44- 

South River, New Jersey — 93n. 
New Jersey Republican Heritage Groups 

Council — 44. 
New Right— 30, 46, 55, 56, 61, 63. 
New York— 7, 9, 10, 15,31,40,69, 76, 125, 


See also Minneola 
New York Post— 129. 
New York Times— 18, 36, 66, 126, 130. 
Nicaragua— 6, 47, 83-87, 115, 118-120. 

Nickles, Don — 41. 
Niemcyk, Julian M. — 132. 
Nietzsche, Friedrich Wilhelm — vi. 
Night of the Long Knives — ix. 
Nixon, Richard^»-6, 8, 18, 25, 26, 39, 92n, 

Nordic— 32, 60, 79. 

North, Oliver— 46, 53, 64-67, 83, 86, 88, 

North American Regional World Anti- 
Communist League (NARWACL) — 
67, 83. 

See also World Anti-Communist League 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

(NATO)— 50. 
North Carolina — 50. 
Northern League — 60. 
Nortnem World— 60. 
Nouvelle Ecole — 63. 
Nugan Hand Bank — 5 1 . 
Nuremberg — 7, 33, 45. 



See Organization for the Defense of Four 
Freedoms for the Ukraine (ODFFU) 

See Office of Special Investigations 


See Organization of Ukrainian 
Nationalists (OUN) 

O'Connor, Edward M. — 106n. 

Odessa — 8. 

Office of Personnel Management — 69. 
Office of Special Investigations (OSI) — 6, 
9,35,74, 124, 129. 
Bush campaign — 77, 125, 126. 
NRHGC campaign against OSI — 10, 

12,23, 26. 
OS1/KGB partnership alleged— 44, 79, 

UCCA and Bohdan Fedorak oppose 
OSI— 106n, 125, 127. 
Ohio— 18,63. 
Operation Phoenix — 88. 
Operations Coordinating Board — 5 1 . 
Order of St. John of Jerusalem — 45, 79. 
Order, The— 67. 

Organization for the Defense of Four 

Freedoms for the Ukraine (ODFFU) — 

INDEX 143 

Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists 
(OUN)^t, 69,71,73,76. 
OUN-Bandera (OUN-B)— 69-73. 
OUN-Melnyk (OUN-M)— 69. 

Owen, Robert— 64, 86. 



See Italian Communist Party 

See Political Research Associates (PRA) 
P-2 Masonic Lodge— 3, 16-19, 125. 
Pamyat (Memory) — 89. 
Panama Canal — 84. 
Paperclip Conspiracy ( Bower) — x. 
Paprikoff, George — 7. 
Paraguay — 50. 
Paramilitary — 38, 51, 67. 
Pastora, Eden — 47. 

Pasztor, Laszlo— 2, 5-7, 25-27, 44, 1 27, 1 29, 
131, 132. 

Patriotism— ix, 8, 31, 33, 38,80, 87, 89, 

Patriots for Germany — 97n. 

Pearl Harbor, Hawaii — 3 1 . 

Pearson, Roger— 41, 46, 51, 60-65, 79, 82. 

Pentagon— 33, 46, 66, 82, 88. 

Perk, Ralph— 18. 

Philadelphia inquirer— 26, 124, 126, 128- 

Philippines — 83. 

Phillips, Howard— 82, 83. 

Phillips, Kevin— 23. 

Picasso, Pablo — viii. 

Pichel, Charles— 45, 79. 

Pinochet, Augusto — 43, 63, 87, 1 16. 

Pioneer Fund — 64. 

Plonski, Joseph — 44. 

Poland— viii, 4, 15, 46, 72, 73, 118. 

Policy Review — 6 1 . 

Political Research Associates (PRA) — xiv, 
115, 118, 120, 124, 125, 128, 130, 131. 
Midwest Research — 1 22. 

Populist Party — 51. 

Posey, Tom — 121. 

Posse Comitatus — 5 1 . 

Possony, Stefan — 35. 

Potomac — 87. 

Potter, Gary — 44. 

Power on the Right (Turner) — 30. 

Preferred Lists — 55. 

Prelom — 7. 

Preston, David— 124, 126, 128. 

Project Paperclip (Lasby) — 35. 
Propaganda— 36, 37, 48, 49, 65, 71, 82, 85. 
Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion 

(forgery)— 32. 
Purdue University — 7. 


Quayle, Dan— 41, 54, 86. 
Quigley, Margaret — xiv. 


RENAMO— 81,83. 

See Radio Free Europe (RFE) 

See Republican National Committee 

Race and Civilization (Pearson) — 60. 
Racial Elements of European Civilization 

(Gunther)— 60. 
Racism— viii, 8, 15, 31, 38, 45, 56, 82, 121, 

122, 129. 

Bush campaign and racism — 2, 27. 
Nazi theory of Negrification — ix. 
Pearson and racialist network — 60, 61, 

Racial eugenics — 32, 46, 64. 

Racial nationalism — ix, 71. 

Racism in the NRHGC — xvii, xviii, 20, 
28, 90, 123, 125. 
Radio Free Americas — 46. 
Radio Free Europe (RFE)— 9, 20, 25, 27. 
Radio Liberty— 12, 20. 
Raikin, Spas T.— 6. 
Rao, Paul— 18. 
Readers Digest — 37. 

Reagan, Ronald— xvii, 2, 6-8, 10, 18-20, 23- 
25, 30, 39, 43, 47, 48, 50, 54, 55, 60, 62, 
64, 66-68, 70, 72, 76, 78, 79, 81, 84, 
117-120, 125. 

Reagan Aministration — 41, 48-51, 53, 61, 
63, 64, 69,81,82,86. 


See communism 

Regnery, Henry — 3 1 . 

Regnery, William — 31. 

Reich, Wilhelm — viii. 

Replica— 87. 

144 Old Nazis, The New Rigi it, and ti ie Republican Party 

Report of the Congressional Committees 
Investigating the /ran-Contra Affair — 

Republican Heritage Groups Council 

See National Republican Heritage 

Groups Council (NRHGC) 
Republican National Committee (RNC) — 

xvii,3,4, 6, 12, 13, 17, 19, 23, 24, 27, 

44, 56,80, 90, 129-132. 
Republican Nationalities Council 

See National Republican Heritage 

Groups Council 
Republican Party — v, xi, xiii, xiv, xvii, 2-7, 

9-12, 15, 17, 19,20, 23-28, 39,41,54- 

56, 61, 64, 73, 76, 89, 90, 123, 124, 126, 

129, 131. 

See Republican Party 
Revolution — viii, ix, 75, 84- 
Rhodesia — 81 ,82. 

Richardson, Robert C, 111—40, 51,61. 
Richardson, Warren— 99n, lOOn. 
Richardson Foundation 

See Smith Richardson Foundation 
Riga, Jose Lopez — 18. 
Right— 60. 
Roatta, Mario — viii. 
Rollins, Ed— 24. 
Roman, George — 9. 

Romania— ix, 2, 4, 9, 10, 41-43, 73, 75, 87, 

89, 116, 119, 124, 125. 
Romanian American National Congress — 


Romanian-American Republican Clubs — 

10, 30, 41. 
Romanian Liberation Movement — 75. 
Romanian Orthodox Church — 9, 10. 
Romanians for Bush — 10. 
Rome, Italy — viii, 16, 17. 
Romero, Archbishop Oscar — 85. 
Ronette-Rahmistriuc, Alexandru 

See Ronnett, Alexander 
Ronnett, Alexander —M, 43, 75, 83, 87, 

116, 117, 119. 
Roosevelt, Franklin D. — 31. 
Rose of Twenty — 17. 
Rosenberg, Alfred — 7. 
Rosensaft, Menachem — 129. 
Rousseau, J e a n J acques — vi. 
Ruby, Walter— 1 24. 
Ruhr— 35. 
Ruhrlade— 35. 

See Romania 


See Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 

Ryan, Allan A., Jr.— 129. 
Rylander, R. Lynn — 66. 



See Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) 


See Waffen SS 
Sabotage: The Secret War against America 

(Sayers and Kahn) — 71 . 
St. Dumitru — 9. 
St. Louis Globe Democrat — 54. 
St. Peter's Banker ( Di Fonzo) — 18. 
Salt Syndrome, The— 39-41, 49. 
Salt Treaty — 39. 

See Lithuania 
San Diego, California — 66. 
Sanctuary, Eugene — 32. 
Sanders, Sol — 47. 
Sandinista — 6, 84, 1 20. 
Sandor, David — 128. 
Saudi Arabia — 64, 67. 
Savimbi, Jonas — 30, 81. 

See House of Savoy 
Sazyc, Dr. Joseph — 77. 
Schultz, George — 47, 83. 
Scotland — 46. 
Scott, Ralph — 64. 
Sears Roebuck — 31, 33. 
Second All-Byelorussian Congress 

See All-Byelorussian Second Congress 
Secord, Richard — 83. 
Security and Intelligence Fund — 61. 
Seldes, George — iii, x , 96n. 
Senate Armed Services Committee — 54. 
Senese, Donald — 63. 
Serbia— ix, 12, 15, 74. 
Shandruk, Pavlo — 72. 
Shockley, William— 63. 
Shoreham Hotel — xvii, 6-8. 
Sicily, Italy— 18. 
Siegman, Henry — 125. 
Sima, Horia — 75. 

Simon Wiesenthal Center — 116, 126. 
Simpson, Christopher — x, xiv, 1, 90. 
Sindona, Michele — 18. 
Singlaub, John (Jack)— 40, 41, 45, 55, 66, 
67, 70, 79, 83-85, 88,115,120. 

Index 145 

Sitko, Karol — 45. 

Six Million Swindle ( App) — 43. 

Sklar, Holly— 66, 67. 

Slavoff, Radi— 2, 5-7, 26, 27,44,1 27, 1 29, 

Slovak— vii, ix, 3, 16, 26, 41, 44, 73, 74. 
Slovak-American Republican Federation — 

3, 15, 16,41. 
Slovak World Congress— 15, 16, 41, 74, 89. 
Smith, lan — 82. 

Smith Richardson Foundation — 37. 
Sobran, Joseph — 8, 79. 
Social Contract ( Rousseau) — vi. 
Socialism — vi, viii-xi, 23. 
Solomon, Gerald — 41. 
Somoza, Anastasio — 83-85. 
Sotirhos, Michael— 20, 24, 76. 
South Africa— 50, 81-83. 

See also apartheid 
South America— 7, 8, 47, 64, 84. 
South Dakota— 39, 40. 
South Korea 

See Korea 
South River, New Jersey — 93n. 
Southern African Freedom Foundation — 


Soviet Union 

See Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 

Spain — iii, viii. 
Spotlight— 8, 67, 83. 
Squitieri, Tom — 130, 131. 
Stalingrad — 72. 
Standard Oil — 33. 
Stankievich, Raisa — 12. 
Stankievich, Stanislaw — 11, 12. 
Star Wars 

See Strategic Defense Initiative (SD1) 
State Department— 16, 25, 46, 49, 70, 83, 


Steele, Walter— 32, 33. 
Stella, Frank— 18, 19, 26. 
Sterilization proposal — 63. 
Stetsko, Slava— 70-72, 76, 106n. 
Stetsko, Yaroslav— 67, 69-72, 76, 130. 
Stillwell, Richard— 84. 
Straight Look at the Third Reich (App) — 

Strangers in the Land (Higham) — 32. 
Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) — 47, 51, 

Strategy for Peace Through Strength — 49. 
Strategy of tension — 1 7. 
Stratemeyer, George — 99n. 
Stratton, Sam — 41, 55. 

Strausz-Hupe, Robert — 35. 

Stump, Bob — 84- 

Sullivan, Dave — 46. 

Sumner, Gordon — 84- 

Supreme Committee for the Liberation of 

Lithuania — 74- 
Supreme Court (U.S.) — 63. 
Swastika— v, 7, 8, 86, 88,121. 
Symms, Steve— 40, 4 1 , 47 , 55 . 
Szaz, Z. Michael — 41. 


Taiwan— 3, 20, 64-67, 70. 

Task Force on Central America — 84. 

Taylor, David — 49. 

Taylor, John Ross — 67. 

Tecos— 87. 

Ten Million Americans Mobilizing for 

Justice — 33. 
Terpil, Frank — 51, 61. 
Terrorism— 16, 17,85,86. 
Texas— 18. 

Third Reich— xviii, 15, 16, 43, 44, 60, 69, 

88, 89. 
Third Way— 76. 

Thompson, J. Walter Advertising Company 
See J. Walter Thompson Advertising 

Thunderbolt— 8, 89. 

Time — 33. 

Tiso, Monsignor Josef — 15, 25, 26,44, 74. 

Tolstoy Foundation — 9. 

Toronto, Canada — 1 5 . 

Tower Commission — 1 1 5. 

Trevor, John B., Jr.— 32, 33. 

Trifa, Valerian— 2, 9, 10, 92n. 

Truth, The— 79. 

Truth at Last 

See Thunderbolt 
Truth in Press 

See Liberty Lobby 
Tuesday Group — 46, 47. 
Turner, William — 30. 



See Ukrainian Congress Committee of 
America (UCCA) 

See Ukrainian National Information 
Service (UNIS) 

146 Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party 


See Union for the Total Independence 
of Angola (UNITA) 

See United Nicaraguan Opposition 

See Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) 

See University Professors for Academic 
Order (UPAO) 

See United Press International (UPI) 

See U.S. Congressional Advisory Board 

See U.S. Council for World Freedom 

See U.S. Information Agency (USIA) 

See Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 
USA Today— 130. 

U.S. Air Force, Political Military Affairs — 

U.S. Army— 8, 71. 

Counter Intelligence Corps — 8, 32, 1 19. 
U.S. Civil Rights Commission — 64- 
U.S. Congressional Advisory Board 

(USCAB)— 49, 53, 54. 
U.S. Council f or World Freedom 

(USCWF)— 66, 67, 70, 79. 
U.S. Foreign Claims Commission — 69. 
U.S. Information Agency (USIA) — 69. 
U.S. Steel— 33. 

Ukraine— ix, 67, 69, 71-73, 76, 80. 
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America 

(UCCA)— 69, 71, 72, 77, 125. 

UCCA Committee on Foreign Affairs — 

Ukrainian Cultural Center — 70, 75-77. 

Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) — 73. 

Ukrainian National Army — 72. 

Ukrainian National Information Service 
(UNIS)— 69, 70. 

Ukrainian Nationalism (Armstrong) — 71. 

Ukrainian Quarterly — 70, 72, 77. 

Ukrainians for Bush — 77. 

Union for the Total Independence of 
Angola (UNITA)— 30, 66, 81-83. 

Union of American Hebrew Congrega- 
tions — 125. 

Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 

(USSR)— 7, 8, 12, 32, 41, 55, 69-71, 73. 
Disinformation — 37, 49, 82. 
OSI/USSR partnership— 44, 79. 
Rollback— v, 23, 35, 56, 76, 124. 
World War 11—3, 5, 1 1, 16, 72, 75, 89, 

Unions — viii, 32. 
United Fruit — 33. 
United Israel Bulletin — 10. 
United Nations— 38, 82. 
United Nicaraguan Opposition (UNO) — 

United Press International (UPI)— 130. 
University of Pennsylvania — 36. 
University Professors for Academic Order 

(UPAO)— 63, 64. 
Ustashi— 3, 12, 14, 15, 74. 

See also Croatia 


Valente, Mark— 19. 
Valucek, Andy— 25, 28. 
Van den Haag, Ernest — 63. 
Vatican — 12, 16. 
Vermont — iii. 
Vertex Investments — 67. 
Veterans of the First Ukrainian Division — 

Vienna, Austria — 75. 
Vietnam— 20, 38, 88. 
Vietnam War — 39. 
Village Voice— 130. 
Virginia— 53, 55, 81,82. 

See also Boston 
Virginia Republican Heritage Groups 

Council — 4 1 ■ 
Voice o f America — 1 6. 
Volk — ix, x, 43. 
Von Bolschwing, Otto — 9. 
Von Braun, Werhner — 35. 
Von der Heydte, Baron Frederich August — 

35, 36. 

Von Hayek, Friedrich — 63. 
Von Pannwitz, General Helmuth — 8. 
Von Rothkirch, Edward— 99n. 
Vorspan, Albert — 125. 

Index 147 



See World Anti-Communist League 

WMAQ-TV— 75, 115, 118, 120. 
Warren SS (Armed SS) — xi, xiv, xvii, 4, 8, 

9, 11, 15,26, 43, 56,60,67,72, 90, 

106n, 130. 
Waldheim, Kurt — viii. 
Wall Street Journal— 45, 54, 60, 61, 63, 64, 


Wallop, Malcolm— 47. 
Walsh, Pat— 67. 
Waltscheff, Dr. Dimiter— 7. 
War Against the Jews (Dawidowicz) — 1 5, 

War crimes— xviii, 2 , 6-8, 10, 2 7 , 33, 44, 
70, 77, 79, 80, 89, 90,125,126,129. 
Ward, Chester— 98n. 
Warner, John — 53. 
Warren, Michigan— 70, 75,77,78. 
Warsaw Pact — 43. 

Washington, D.C.— 3, 6, 10, 15, 16, 30, 41, 

48,61,69, 70,81,85. 
Washington Jewish Week — 26, 27, 124- 

126, 128, 129, 131. 
Washington Post— 25, 26, 44-46, 56, 61, 

65, 126, 130. 
Washington Report — 84. 
Washington's War on Nicaragua (Sklar) — 


Watt, James — 63. 

Watzman, Nancy — 131. 

Weimar Germany — 35. 

Weinberger, Caspar — 53. 

Wiesenthal, Simon — 125. 

Welch, Robert— 38. 

Western Destiny — 60. 

Western Goals Foundation — 45. 

Western Guard — 67. 

Weyrich, Paul— 63. 

White, William Allen— iii. 

White House— xi, 2, 7, 19, 24-26, 31, 44, 

46, 48, 49, 53, 60, 62, 64, 66, 67, 69, 72, 

73, 75-77,79,86,116,130. 
White Russian 

See Byelorussian 
White supremacist— 1 5, 60, 64, 81, 89. 
Whittlesey, Faith — 49. 
Who Financed Hitler.' (Pool and Pool)— 


Who's Who in Germany — 35. 
Willoughby, C. A. — 98n. 

Wilson, Charles— 84. 

Wilson, Edmund — 51, 61. 

Winek, Jay— 56. 

Winsor, Curtin, Jr. — 46, 47. 

Wisner, Frank — 47. 

Wood, Robert— 31,33, 98n. 

World Avoirs— 86. 

World and i— 86. 

World Anti-Communist League 

(WACL)— x, xiii, 43, 59-61, 64-68, 70, 

73, 75,81-83,85,87, 88, 90, 120, 122. 

See also North American Regional 
World Anti-Communist League 
World Conference of Free Ukrainians — 


World Federation for a Free Latvia — 77. 

World Federation of Cossacks for the 
Liberation of Cossackia — 8. 

World Federation of Free Latvians — 74. 

World Jewish Congress — 80. 

World War 1— vi, vii, 69. 

World War 11 — v, viii, x, xi, xvii, 2-5, 8, 9, 
12,16, 26,31,33,43, 44,67, 69,72-75, 
77,88,89, 116-119, 124, 127, 130. 


Yalta— 20. 

Yarborough, William P.— 84. 
Yugoslavia — 12, 124- 


Zakim, Leonard — 27. 
Zimbabwe — 86. 
Zimmerman, Warren — 106n. 
Zola, Emile — vii. 
Zolling, Hermann — x. 
Zorinsky, Ed — 55. 
Zuruff, Efraim — 1 1 6. 

148 Old Nazis, The New Right, and the Republican Party